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NEW  PEACE .  MOVEMENT 


BY 

A 

WILLIAM  I.  HULL,  Ph.D. 

PROFESSOR  OF  HISTORY  AND  INTERNATIONAL  RELATIONS  IN  SWARTH- 
MORE  COLLEGE  ;  AUTHOR  OF  "  THE  TWO  HAGUE  CONFERENCES 
AND  THEIR  CONTRIBUTIONS  TO  INTERNATIONAL  LAW,”  ETC. 


BOSTON 

THE  WORLD  PEACE  FOUNDATION 

1912 


COPYRIGHT,  1912 

By  WILLIAM  I.  HULL 


ALL  RIGHTS  RESERVED 


TO 

THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA 

THE  HONORABLE  WILLIAM  HOWARD  TAFT 

WHOSE  MAGNIFICENT  EFFORTS  IN  BEHALF  OF  INTER¬ 
NATIONAL  JUSTICE  HAVE  MADE  HIM  THE  LEADER  OF 
THE  WORLD  IN  THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


ill 


PREFACE 


The  Peace  Movement  to-day  is  where  the  antislavery 
movement  was  in  the  early  fifties  of  the  last  century. 
At  that  period  the  champions  of  slavery  were  aggres¬ 
sively  on  the  offensive,  fiercely  determined  not  only  that 
slavery  should  be  maintained  in  more  than  all  its  former 
prestige  and  strength  in  the  South,  but  that  it  should  be 
extended  indefinitely  in  the  West  and  should  wield  the 
balance  of  power  against  the  North  in  the  affairs  of  the 
nation.  And  this  campaign  they  carried  on  in  the  beloved 
name  of  Union.  On  the  other  hand,  the  radical  oppo¬ 
nents  of  slavery  had  wrought  out  a  vast  body  of  fact 
and  argument  and  sentiment,  economic,  political  and 
moral,  against  the  system  of  slavery  wherever  it  was 
sheltered  beneath  the  American  flag.  And  this  campaign 
they  carried  on  in  the  sacred  name  of  Freedom.  Between 
the  two  a  political  party  was  gradually  crystallizing, 
whose  mission  it  was  to  concentrate  by  some  practicable 
method  the  antislavery  fact  and  argument  and  sentiment 
upon  first  one  and  then  another  bulwark  of  the  slavery 
system  until  it  should  fall  utterly  and  forever.  The 
slogan  of  this  party  was  Freedom  and  Union. 

To-day  we  see  on  the  one  hand  a  large  and  increasing 
body  of  professional  soldiers  and  sailors,  with  a  great 
body  of  political  and  commercial  men  behind  them,  who 


VI 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


are  aggressively  determined  not  only  that  the  armies 
and  navies  of  the  world  shall  be  maintained  in  more  than 
all  their  former  prestige  and  strength,  and  be  indefinitely 
increased  in  size  and  "  fighting  effectiveness,”  but  that 
they  shall  appropriate  to  their  growth  every  new  device 
for  man’s  mastery  over  the  depths  of  the  sea  and  air,  — 
the  forces  of  electricity  and  the  ever  new  and  more  de¬ 
structive  agencies  of  chemical  and  physical  science,  — 
and  shall  absorb  an  enormously  increasing  share  of  the 
revenues  and  resources  of  every  civilized  nation.  And 
this  campaign  they  carry  on  in  the  lofty  name  of  Justice. 
On  the  other  hand,  great  numbers  of  the  peacemakers  of 
the  world  have  accumulated  a  vast  body  of  fact  and  argu¬ 
ment  and  sentiment,  economic,  political  and  moral,  in 
proof  of  the  folly  and  wickedness  of  warlike  preparations 
as  a  means  of  insuring  national  defense,  and  of  warfare 
as  a  means  of  procuring  international  justice,  and  have 
demanded  their  immediate  abolition.  And  this  campaign 
has  been  carried  on  in  the  sacred  name  of  Peace.  Be¬ 
tween  the  two  there  has  grown  up  a  large  and  increasing 
body  of  men  and  women  in  every  nation  whose  mission 
it  is  to  concentrate  by  some  practicable  method  the  peace 
fact  and  argument  and  sentiment  upon  first  one  and 
then  another  of  the  bulwarks  of  warfare  until  it  shall 
fall  utterly  and  forever.  This  campaign  is  carried  on  in 
the  name  of  Peace  and  Justice. 

The  method  of  the  proslavery  party  in  the  fifties  was 
squatter  sovereignty  and  every  constitutional  and  legis¬ 
lative  aid  to  the  spread  of  slavery.  The  method  of  the 
radical  antislavery  men  was  immediate  abolition  without 
compensation.  The  method  of  the  Republican  party  was 


PREFACE 


Yll 


restriction  of  slavery  to  the  South  and  gradual  emanci¬ 
pation  there ;  or,  if  possible,  said  Lincoln,  immediate 
abolition  with  compensation.  The  method  of  the  mili¬ 
tarists  to-day  is  now  and  always  a  more  powerful  navy 
and  army  than  any  other  nation  possesses.  The  method 
of  the  ultrapacifists  has  been  immediate  and  perpetual 
abolition  of  armaments.  The  method  of  the  new  Peace 
Movement  is  international  courts  of  law,  the  limitation 
and  gradual  reduction  of  armaments  and  their  exclusive 
use  as  a  genuine  international  police  force. 

In  the  fifties  the  hot-heads  on  both  sides  of  Mason 
and  Dixon’s  line  precipitated  a  terrible  civil  war,  in 
the  course  of  which  —  not  necessarily  by  any  means 
because  of  which  —  both  Freedom  and  Union  came  to 
their  own.  It  is  inconceivable  to-day  that  the  hot-heads 
can  stir  up  civil  wars  over  the  question  of  armaments, 
but  it  is  as  certain  as  the  sunrise  that,  either  with  or 
without  such  war,  the  cause  of  Peace  and  Justice  will 
ultimately  prevail. 

The  vast  body  of  our  people  were  caught  up,  in  the 
fifties,  in  a  great  campaign  of  education  on  the  anti¬ 
slavery  question.  On  the  one  hand  they  were  asked, 
first,  Shall  the  Union  and  slavery  be  preserved  through 
the  recognition  of  local  self-government  ?  On  the  other 
hand  they  were  asked,  Shall  slavery  be  abolished  even 
at  the  cost  of  the  Union?  The  great  majority  of  them 
decided  for  both  Freedom  and  Union,  and  the  preserva¬ 
tion  of  local  self-government  unsullied  by  the  institu¬ 
tion  of  slavery.  The  vast  body  of  the  people  in  every 
civilized  land  are  being  asked  to-day  on  the  one  hand, 
Shall  international  justice  prevail  through  enormous  and 


Vlll 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


competitive  increase  of  national  armaments  ?  On  the 
other  hand  they  are  being  asked,  Shall  international 
peace  be  established  by  the  abolition  of  armaments? 
The  great  majority  of  them  will  undoubtedly  decide  for 
both  Peace  and  Justice,  and  for  the  conversion  of  national 
armaments  into  an  international  police  force. 

The  burning  problem  which  presses  for  solution  upon 
the  leaders  of  thought  and  conscience  in  every  land  to¬ 
day  is,  How  shall  the  happy  conjunction  of  Peace  and 
Justice  be  procured  ?  In  the  fifties  the  peaceful  solution 
of  the  burning  problem  of  Freedom  and  Union  was  ab¬ 
normally  and  wickedly  sidetracked  by  the  precipitation 
of  a  terrible  civil  war.  It  behooves  every  good  citizen 
to-day  to  see  to  it  that  neither  a  series  of  terrible  civil 
wars  nor  a  succession  of  terrible  international  wars  shall 
sidetrack  the  speedy  and  peaceful  solution  of  the  im¬ 
pending  issue  of  our  time.  It  behooves  every  good  citizen 
to  enter  upon  a  candid,  earnest  and  thorough  study  of 
this  question,  not  only  because  it  involves  grave  eco¬ 
nomic  evils,  nor .  because  it  threatens  serious  political 
complications,  but  because  the  best  that  is  within  man, 
the  divinity  that  inspires  humanity,  demands  that  this 
problem  shall  be  settled  in  accordance  with  the  eternal 
laws  of  right.  It  behooves  every  good  citizen  to  permit 
no  glamour,  false  or  real,  associated  with  warfare  in  the 
past ;  to  permit  no  difficulty  or  danger  associated  with 
the  present  disposal  of  an  evil  strongly  intrenched  in 
national  habit  and  daily  increasing  in  national  menace ; 
to  permit  no  fears,  fancied  or  real,  of  attack  from 
"  enemies  ”  in  the  future,  to  retard  or  to  swerve  a  hair’s 
breadth  from  the  path  of  right  and  righteousness  the 


PREFACE 


IX 


determined,  patriotic,  wise  and  Christian  effort  to  make 
Peace  and  Justice  prevail,  now  and  forever,  to  the  ex¬ 
clusion  of  warfare  and  of  the  injustice  which  logically 
and  inevitably  follows  in  its  footsteps. 

To  assist,  if  possible,  and  in  however  small  degree,  in 
this  campaign  of  education,  and  especially  to  appeal  to 
the  candid  and  earnest  thought  of  conscientious  men 
and  women,  most  of  the  addresses  included  in  this  collec¬ 
tion  have  been  delivered  before  various  audiences,  and, 
after  circulation  in  another  form,  are  now,  with  some 
additional  papers,  made  more  available  for  those  who 
read  and  reflect.  The  immediate  practical  purposes  of 
certain  of  the  lectures  and  essays  explain  occasional 
repetitions  and  references  which  might  have  been  given 
different  form  if  the  work  had  all  been  prepared  at  once. 
The  work  is  the  growth  of  the  years  which  have  followed 
the  publication  of  the  writer’s  book  upon  "  The  Two 
Hague  Conferences  ”  ;  and  these  Conferences  form  its 
starting  point,  as  they  form  the  beginning  of  the  new 
Peace  Movement. 


SWARTIIMORE  COLLEGE 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

I.  The  Achievements  of  the  Two  Hague  Con¬ 
ferences  .  1 

II.  The  United  States  and  the  Hague  Conferences  25 

III.  The  United  States  and  Latin  America  at  The 

Hague . 34 

IV.  One  Peril  of  the  New  Peace  Movement  ...  46 

V.  The  Abolition  of  Trial  by  Battle . 50 

4  VI.  The  International  Grand  Jury . 68 

A  VII.  International  Police  vs.  National  Armaments  82 

VIII.  Arbitration,  not  More  Armaments  .....  95 

IX.  The  World’s  Two  Vicious  Circles . 105 

X.  The  Influence  of  Peace  Power  upon  History  111 

XI.  Religion  and  Peace  Power . 126 

XII.  A  Positive  Program . 133 

XIII.  The  American  Flag . 142 

XIV.  The  Recent  Progress  of  International  Arbi¬ 

tration  .  .  .  f . 151 

XV.  The  Instrumentalities  of  the  New  Peace 

Movement . 165 

XVI.  The  Latest  Literature  of  the  Peace  Move¬ 
ment  . 184 

INDEX . 209 

xi 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


i 

THE  ACHIEVEMENTS  OF  THE  TWO  HAGUE 

CONFERENCES  1 

When  Clio,  muse  of  history,  shall  take  up  her  pen  to 
pass  final  judgment  upon  the  advance  registered  by  the 
two  Hague  Conferences,  we  know  not  now  precisely 
what  verdict  she  will  record.  For  now,  close  as  we  are 
to  the  toil  and  struggles  of  the  Titans  who  shaped 
and  fashioned  the  institutions  of  those  Conferences,  and 
breathlessly  endeavoring  as  we  are  to  catch  up  with  the 
full  significance  of  the  events  which  those  institutions 
have  already  ushered  in  upon  a  wondering  world,  it  is 
inevitable  that  we  should  see  them  only  as  through  a 
glass  and  darkly.  Again,  so  far-reaching  through  the 
realm  of  international  relations  is  the  scope  of  the  Con¬ 
ferences’  work,  that  to  attempt  to  estimate  the  advance 
registered  by  them  is  like  an  attempt  to  estimate  the 
results  of  the  application  of  steam  to  industry  or  of 
democracy  to  government.  For  already  it  is  clear  that 
the  Hague  Conferences  are  to  international  law  what 
the  Industrial  Revolution  of  the  eighteenth  and  nine¬ 
teenth  centuries  was  to  human  industry,  or  what  the  rise 
of  the  American  Republic  was  to  human  government. 

1  Address  at  the  Second  National  Peace  Congress,  Chicago,  1909. 

1 


2 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


But  despite  the  difficulties  of  this  task  it  is  natural 
and  fitting  that  it  should  be  undertaken.  For  when  the 
traveler  from  some  sunken  valley  climbs  the  winding 
path  up  a  mountain  side  toward  its  snow-capped  sum¬ 
mit,  and  rests  for  a  moment  from  his  toil  upon  some 
projecting  headland,  it  is  well  for  him  to  look  back 
upon  the  progress  he  has  made  and  calculate  from  it 
the  direction  and,  if  possible,  the  length  of  the  path 
which  lies  before  him.  And  when  a  great  nation  like 
ours,  in  its  ascent  from  the  valley  of  the  shadow  of 
warfare  up  toward  the  sun-lit  summit  of  perpetual 
peace  and  justice,  comes  to  such  a  resting  place  as  is 
afforded  by  this  National  Peace  Congress  in  Chicago,  it 
is  just  to  the  past  and  should  be  helpful  to  the  future 
for  it  to  estimate  the  progress  it  has  made  and  to  con¬ 
sider  its  present  position. 

The  civilized  world,  in  common  with  our  own  country, 
has  made  use  of  many  instrumentalities  in  its  great 
ascent  toward  international  peace  and  justice ;  but  the 
greatest  of  them  all  I  believe  to  have  been  the  two 
Conferences  at  The  Hague.  For  these  Conferences,  like 
the  great  heroes,  or  institutions  of  history,  embodied  in 
themselves  nearly  all  the  forces,  or  were  exponents  of 
nearly  all  the  instrumentalities,  which  have  been  achiev¬ 
ing  for  the  world  its  renowned  victories  of  peace. 

Among  these  forces  I  would  mention,  first,  the  filter- 
national  solidarity  which  has  superseded  the  superficial 
international  comity  of  the  past.  Assembled  in  the  Hall 
of  the  Knights,  in  the  Second  Hague  Conference,  were 
the  representatives  of  the-  forty-four  sovereign  states 
which  share  between  them  the  destinies  of  practically 
all  of  the  population  and  nine  tenths  of  the  territory  of 


ACHIEVEMENTS  OF  HAGUE  CONFERENCES  3 


the  earth.  In  the  presence  of  the  world  thus  assembled 
for  the  first  time  in  history  in  a  single  room  was  solemnly 
and  definitively  proclaimed  the  great  fact,  fundamental 
in  international  relations,  that  the  nations  form  a  single 
family,  each  member  possessing  inalienable  rights  and 
bounden  duties.  The  ideal  of  an  international  family, 
long  talked  about  and  dreamed  of  by  international  jurists, 
was  embodied  in  the  various  conventions  adopted  by  the 
Conferences,  was  fully  and  freely  expressed  by  many  of 
the  delegates,  and  has  been  borne  in  upon  the  conscious¬ 
ness  of  the  nations  as  never  before.  It  has  enormously 
strengthened  the  international  esprit  de  corps,  and  has 
accentuated  as  nothing  else  probably  could  have  done 
the  existence  and  growth  of  that  international  public 
opinion  which  is  already  the  chief  sanction  of  interna¬ 
tional  agreements.  The  potency  of  this  decent  respect 
for  the  opinions  of  the  rest  of  the  family  was  shown  in 
many  striking  instances.  For  example,  it  induced  Great 
Britain  to  adhere  in  1907  to  the  two  declarations  which 
it  rejected  in  1899,  those,  namely,  prohibiting  the  use  of 
"dum-dum”  bullets  and  of  bombs  whose  object  is  the 
diffusion  of  asphyxiating  or  deleterious  gases.  It  induced 
Germany  to  accept  the  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration 
hi  1899,  and  to  announce  its  entire  conversion  to  the 
principle  and  practice  of  obligatory  arbitration  in  1907. 
It  induced  Spain  and  Mexico  to  adhere  to  the  Declara¬ 
tion  of  Paris  of  1856,  which  prohibited  privateering.  It 
induced  China  and  Switzerland  to  adhere  in  1907  to 
the  laws  and  customs  of  warfare  which  they  rejected  in 
1899.  It  induced  the  nineteen  Latin  American  republics 
to  ratify  in  1907,  without  question,  the  acts  of  the  Con¬ 
ference  of  1899,  in  which  they  were  not  represented. 


4 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


And,  above  all,  it  induced  thirty  of  the  thirty-six  small 
powers  to  accept  the  International  Prize  Court,  although 
the  principle  of  its  constitution  was  held  to  violate  the 
absolute  equality  of  sovereign  states.  As  indicative  of 
the  spirit  in  which  this  court  was  accepted  by  the  small 
powers,  may  be  noted  the  words  of  M.  Hagerup  of 
Norway,  who  said  that  although  his  country’s  merchant 
marine  ranked  fourth  among  all  the  powers  of  the  world, 
it  would  nevertheless  accept  the  eleventh  place  assigned 
it  in  the  distribution  of  judges.  The  power  of  this  re¬ 
doubtable  sovereign  of  international  public  opinion  was 
evident  in  countless  other  instances  during  the  Confer¬ 
ences  ;  but  enough  of  these  have  here  been  stated  to 
show  that  behind  the  governments  of  the  world  in 
their  dealings  with  each  other  there  is  the  same  irre¬ 
sistible  power  which  guides,  checks  and  spurs  onward 
the  various  governments  in  their  national  affairs.  The 
old  economic  theory  that  one  nation’s  loss  is  another 
nation’s  gain  has  long  since  been  exploded.  In  diplo¬ 
matic  transactions  this  theory  has  not  yet  been  discarded ; 
but  at  The  Hague,  in  the  presence  of  common  needs  and 
common  interests,  a  clear  view  was  caught  of  the  fact 
which  will  be  embodied  in  some  future  conference,  that 
international  solidarity  requires  the  observance  of  the 
rule  of  "  each  for  all  and  all  for  each,”  and  that  it  will 
enable  the  gain  of  one  member  of  the  family  to  be  a 
genuine  and  permanent  one  only  when  that  gam  is 
based  upon  a  strict  observance  of  the  rights  of  all  the 
other  members. 

Turning  to  the  great  code  of  international  law  which 
was  incorporated  in  the  sixteen  conventions  and  four  dec¬ 
larations  of  the  Conferences,  we  stand  in  the  presence 


ACHIEVEMENTS  OF  HAGUE  CONFERENCES  5 


of  tlie  stupendous  fact  that  within  our  time  and  under 
our  very  eyes  an  event  has  transpired  which  is  com¬ 
parable  with  the  publication  of  the  Twelve  Tables  in 
ancient  Rome  or  the  compilation  of  the  laws  of  our 
Teutonic  forefathers.  For  at  The  Hague  was  codified 
into  concrete  international  law  a  vast  mass  of  interna¬ 
tional  custom  which  had  been  more  or  less  vague,  dis¬ 
putable  and  unapplied.  More  than  this,  the  most  daring 
innovations  which  have  ever  been  introduced  into  inter¬ 
national  law  —  far  more  daring  than  those  which  came 
from  the  hands  of  Hugo  Grotius  and  the  master  builders 
of  the  science  —  were  made  authoritatively  by  the  official 
delegates  of  the  nations  at  The  Hague.  This  great  body 
of  codified  custom  and  new  law,  together  with  the  ap¬ 
proximate  acceptance  of  the  principle  of  international 
solidarity,  has  caused  the  veritable  revolution  in  inter¬ 
national  law  which  has  been  already  referred  to,  and 
has  made  the  student  of  that  science  feel  himself  to  be 
in  the  presence  of  a  new  heaven  and  a  new  earth.  To 
prove  this,  let  facts  be  submitted  to  a  candid  world. 
The  facts  here  submitted  will  be  grouped  under  the 
following  heads :  the  alleviation  of  warfare’s  horrors,  its 
restriction  within  narrow  limits,  and  the  means  for  its 
prevention. 

In  the  alleviation  of  warfare’s  horrors  the  Hague  Con¬ 
ferences  have  far  surpassed  the  reforms  accomplished  or 
suggested  by  the  Conventions  of  Geneva  of  1864  and 
1868,  the  Declaration  of  St.  Petersburg  in  1868,  and 
the  Declaration  of  Brussels  in  1874.  For  at  The  Hague 
the  Red  Cross  rules  were  applied  for  the  first  time  to 
warfare  on  the  sea,  and  a  careful  revision  and  develop¬ 
ment  of  them  as  applied  to  warfare  on  the  land  was 


6 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


provided  for  in  1899  and  accomplished  in  1906  ;  by  the 
vote  of  every  government  except  that  of  the  United 
States,  the  Conferences  prohibited  the  use  of  bullets 
which  expand  or  flatten  easily  in  the  human  body, 
and  of  projectiles,  the  object  of  which  is  the  diffusion 
of  asphyxiating  or  deleterious  gases ;  they  forbade  the 
bombardment  of  undefended  ports,  towns,  dwellings  or 
buildings  by  artillery  in  the  air,  on  the  land  or  on  the 
sea,  and  at  the  same  time  they  permitted  seaports  to  pro¬ 
tect  themselves  against  invasion  by  the  use  of  anchored 
mines,  and  yet,  as  technically  undefended,  to  remain  im¬ 
mune  from  bombardment  by  the  invading  ships.  The 
Conference  of  1899  adopted  a  great  code  of  sixty  rules 
and  regulations,  some  of  which  had  been  urged  during 
more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century,  and  all  of  which  are 
designed  to  prevent  the  evils  of  warfare  from  falling 
upon  peaceful  noncombatants,  and  to  alleviate  the  suf¬ 
ferings  of  the  soldier  in  the  field  and  as  prisoner  of  war. 
These  rules  have  to  do  with  the  means  of  injuring  the 
enemy,  with  belligerents,  prisoners  of  war,  spies,  flags 
of  truce,  armistice,  capitulations  and  the  treatment  of 
occupied  territory.  They  are  far  too  numerous  even  to 
be  mentioned  in  this  paper,  but  their  importance  may 
be  estimated  by  the  fact  that  Professor  Zorn  of  Ger¬ 
many  has  said  of  them  that  they  alone  would  have 
made  the  Conference  of  1899  a  remarkable  success. 

Turning  next  to  the  restriction  of  warfare  and  its 
evils  to  the  narrowest  possible  limits,  we  find  marked 
progress  in  defining  the  relations  of  belligerents  with 
neutrals,  and  in  restricting  the  scope  of  warfare  between 
the  belligerents  themselves.  Heretofore  the  belligerent 
has  bestrode  the  narrow  earth  like  a  Colossus,  while 


ACHIEVEMENTS  OF  HAGUE  CONFERENCES  7 


petty  neutrals  walked  under  his  huge  legs  and  peeped 
about  to  find  the  best  means  of  avoiding  his  displeasure. 
So  difficult  and  dangerous  was  the  position  of  the  neutral 
in  the  last  century  that  statesmen  very  often  acted  on 
the  policy  that  war  with  one  or  the  other  belligerent 
was  preferable  to  neutrality.  We  have  changed  all  that 
in  recent  years,  and  especially  have  the  two  Hague  Con¬ 
ferences  cribbed,  cabined  and  confined  the  belligerent  in 
many  stringent  ways.  The  Conferences  first  gave  their 
high  and  definitive  sanction  to  existing  international 
custom  which  admonished  belligerent  states  to  refrain 
from  carrying  on  hostilities  within  neutral  territory,  to 
abstain  from  making  on  neutral  territory  direct  prepara¬ 
tions  for  acts  of  hostility,  to  obey  all  reasonable  regula¬ 
tions  made  by  neutral  states  for  the  protection  of  their 
neutrality,  and  to  make  reparation  to  any  state  whose 
neutrality  they  may  have  violated.  They  then  enacted 
a  considerable  body  of  new  legislation  designed  to  em¬ 
phasize  and  protect  neutral  rights  rather  than  prescribe 
neutral  duties.  So  carefully  did  they  protect  neutral 
rights  and  so  strictly  confine  belligerent  rights  that 
they  may  be  said  to  have  fairly  canalised  warfare,  — 
banked  it  within  definite  and  relatively  narrow  channels, 
and  erected  a  system  of  dikes  as  noteworthy  as  those 
which  Holland  has  built  against  the  fierce  North  Sea, — 
for  the  protection  of  the  great  world  of  peaceful  com¬ 
merce  and  industry  from  the  devastating  floods  of  warfare 
which  belligerents  may  let  loose  against  each  other. 

Among  these  devices  of  restriction  and  protection  may 
be  mentioned  the  following:  First,  an  unequivocal  dec¬ 
laration  of  war,  stating  its  causes,  must  be  issued  be¬ 
fore  hostilities  are  commenced,  and  must  be  promptly 


8 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


announced  to  the  neutral  powers.  It  is  indicative  of  the 
unbridled  condition  of  belligerents  before  the  Hague 
Conferences  that  this  primary  restriction  against  treach¬ 
ery  toward  the  enemy  and  this  common-sense  recogni¬ 
tion  of  neutral  rights  was  established  for  the  first  time 
in  1907  in  modern  international  law. 

The  most  eminent  jurisconsults  in  the  world,  the 
members,  namely,  of  the  Institute  of  International  Law, 
had  been  wrestling  unavailingly  with  the  knotty  prob¬ 
lem  of  the  rights  of  neutrals  on  land  and  sea  for  a  gen¬ 
eration.  The  Conference  of  1907  solved  a  number  of  its 
phases.  Upon  the  fundamental  assertion  of  the  inviola¬ 
bility  of  neutral  territory,  it  forbade  the  conveyance 
across  neutral  territory  of  troops  or  convoys  of  muni¬ 
tions  or  provisions ;  it  forbade  the  installation  on  neutral 
territory  of  telegraphic  or  other  apparatus  designed  to 
serve  as  a  means  of  communication  with  belligerent 
forces  on  land  or  sea ;  it  forbade  the  bringing  of  prizes 
into  neutral  ports,  unless  under  stress  of  bad  weather  or 
lack  of  coal  or  provisions ;  it  forbade  belligerents  to  in¬ 
crease  in  any  manner  whatever  their  military  or  naval 
strength  on  neutral  lands  or  waters ;  it  forbade  an  un¬ 
limited  and  too  frequent  renewal  in  neutral  waters  of 
belligerent  food  and  fuel  supplies ;  it  forbade  more  than 
three  belligerent  warships  to  come  into  neutral  ports  at 
any  one  time,  or  to  remain  there  more  than  twenty-four 
hours,  unless  the  neutral  power  concerned  had  made  a 
different  rule ;  it  forbade  belligerent  warships  to  follow 
an  enemy’s  warship  or  an  enemy’s  merchant  ship  from 
a  neutral  port  within  twenty -four  hours  after  the  latter 
ship’s  departure. 

Not  only  did  the  Conference  of  1907  assert  the  above 


ACHIEVEMENTS  OF  HAGUE  CONFERENCES  9 


rights  of  neutral  states,  but  some  rights  of  neutral  citi¬ 
zens  residing  within  belligerent  territory  were  asserted 
by  it  as  well.  Concerning  these  rights  international  dis¬ 
putes  are  particularly  frequent,  as  Baron  Marschall  von 
Bieberstein  of  Germany  pointed  out  in  the  Conference ; 
and,  as  General  Davis  of  the  United  States  remarked, 
the  protection  of  them  is  of  vast  importance  in  these 
days  of  wide  international  commercial  operations  which 
should  be  disturbed  as  little  as  possible  by  warfare.  As 
a  result  of  the  rules  adopted  concerning  them,  neutral 
residents  are  protected  not  only  against  the  belligerent 
state  in  whose  territory  they  reside  or  do  business,  but 
also  against  the  belligerent  which  invades  that  territory. 
The  anxieties  and  hardships  of  resident  aliens  are  dimin¬ 
ished  by  the  rule  that  they  may  not  be  punished  by 
either  belligerent  for  lending  money  or  contributing 
goods  to  the  other  belligerent,  nor  for  rendering  police 
or  civil  services.  The  military  representatives  of  Ger¬ 
many  and  Austria-Hungary  emphasized  "the  imperious 
necessities  of  generals  in  the  field  ”  ;  but  the  Conference 
adopted  the  above  rules  unanimously,  as  it  did  also  the 
rule  that  the  rolling  stock  of  railway  companies  coming 
from  the  territory  of  neutral  powers  and  owned  by  those 
powers  or  by  corporations  or  private  persons  can  be 
requisitioned  and  used  by  a  belligerent  only  in  the  case 
and  to  the  extent  that  an  imperious  necessity  demands, 
and  that  it  must  be  returned  as  soon  as  possible  to  the 
country  of  its  origin ;  while  neutrals  may,  if  necessary, 
retain  and  utilize,  in  compensation,  such  property  com¬ 
ing  from  a  belligerent  power.  By  this  last  rule  is 
protected  the  paramount  right  of  neutral  commerce  to 
unrestricted  railway  transportation ;  and  by  a  further 


10 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


resolution  it  is  made  the  special  duty  of  the  competent 
military  and  civil  authorities  to  protect  in  time  of  war  the 
maintenance  of  pacific  relations,  especially  commercial 
and  industrial  relations,  between  the  inhabitants  of  the 
belligerent  countries  and  those  of  neutral  states.  These 
rules,  though  few  in  number,  are  of  great  importance, 
since  they  not  only  lessen  the  danger  of  warfare  caused 
by  disputes  over  neutral  rights,  but  also  circumscribe 
more  narrowly  than  heretofore  the  closed  lists  of  combat. 

Not  only  was  the  shadow  of  the  colossus  of  belliger¬ 
ency  upon  the  land  reduced  by  the  Conferences,  but  he 
was  given  very  positive  notice  that  he  did  not  own  the 
high  seas  and  could  not  use  them  as  he  pleased  in  war¬ 
ring  against  his  enemy.  He  was  forbidden  to  use  unan¬ 
chored  submarine  mines,  unless  constructed  in  such 
manner  as  to  become  harmless  within  one  hour  after  their 
control  has  been  lost ;  he  was  forbidden  the  use  of  an¬ 
chored  mines  which  do  not  become  harmless  as  soon  as 
they  break  their  cables ;  he  was  forbidden  to  use  auto¬ 
mobile  torpedoes  which  do  not  become  harmless  when 
they  have  missed  their  aim  ;  he  was  forbidden  to  place 
submarine  mines  along  the  coasts  and  in  front  of  the 
ports  of  his  enemy,  with  the  sole  purpose  of  intercepting 
commerce ;  he  was  required  to  take  every  precaution  to 
protect  peaceful  navigation  against  submarine  mines,  and 
to  cause  them  to  become  harmless  after  a  limited  time, 
by  removing  them,  guarding  them,  or  indicating  the  dan¬ 
gerous  regions  and  notifying  the  other  powers  of  them. 

The  advance  registered  by  the  Conferences  in  curbing 
these  modern  demons  of  the  sea  may  be  appreciated  from 
the  fact  that  three  years  after  the  close  of  the  Russo- 
Japanese  War  the  Chinese  government  was  still  obliged 


ACHIEVEMENTS  OF  HAGUE  CONFERENCES  11 


to  furnish  its  coasting  vessels  with  special  instruments  to 
remove  and  destroy  the  floating  mines  with  which  the 
belligerents  had  sown  not  only  the  neighboring  high  seas 
but  China’s  own  territorial  waters  as  well ;  that,  in  spite 
of  every  precaution,  a  very  considerable  number  of  coast¬ 
ing  ships,  fishing  boats,  junks  and  sampans  have  foun¬ 
dered  as  a  result  of  striking  these  mines ;  and  that  more 
than  five  hundred  Chinese  citizens,  peacefully  pursuing 
their  occupations,  have  suffered  a  cruel  death  from  these 
dangerous  engines  of  warfare,  while  the  lives  of  thousands 
of  passengers  on  the  great  Occidental  liners  have  been  in 
imminent  peril  from  them. 

The  further  attempts  to  protect  neutral  commerce  by 
a  more  restrictive  definition  of  blockade,  by  abolishing 
or  by  closely  defining  contraband  of  war,  and  by  prohib¬ 
iting  the  destruction  of  neutral  prizes  did  not  succeed 
in  the  Conferences ;  but  twenty-six  of  the  nations  voted 
for  the  radical  British  proposition  to  abolish  contraband 
of  war,  and  it  was  agreed  that  both  belligerent  and 
neutral  prizes  might  be  permitted  by  neutral  powers 
to  be  sequestered  within  their  harbors  and  thus  saved 
from  destruction.  The  encouraging  discussion  of  these 
long-standing  and  knotty  problems  of  international  law 
resulted  also  in  the  meeting  of  a  Naval  Conference 
in  London  from  December,  1908,  to  February,  1909,  in 
which  ten  of  the  leading  maritime  powers  participated, 
and  in  which  agreements  were  arrived  at  very  much  in 
accord  with  those  foreshadowed  at  The  Hague. 

In  confining  warfare  within  as  narrow  limits  as  possible 
the  Conferences  did  not  devote  their  attention  exclusively 
to  the  assertion  of  neutral  rights,  but  protected  the  bel¬ 
ligerents  themselves  as  far  as  possible  against  each  other. 


12 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


Under  the  gallant  leadership  of  Dr.  White  and  Mr.  Choate, 
of  the  United  States,  twenty-one  nations  were  induced  to 
cast  their  votes  in  favor  of  prohibiting  the  capture  of  the 
private  property  of  the  enemy  in  warfare  upon  the  sea; 
and  although  this  American  proposition  failed  of  adop¬ 
tion,  it  has  been  so  emphasized  and  popularized  before 
the  world  that  it  will  very  probably  be  adopted  by  the 
third  Conference  of  The  Hague,  or  at  least  be  agreed  up¬ 
on  by  the  great  majority  of  the  nations  in  treaty  between 
themselves.  The  first  Conference  forbade  unanimously 
the  destruction  or  seizure  of  the  private  property  of  the 
enemy  in  warfare  on  the  land,  unless  imperatively  de¬ 
manded  by  the  necessities  of  war,  and  in  that  case  it 
shall  be  paid  for.  So  great  has  become  the  conviction 
that  the  private  property  of  belligerents  should  be  pro¬ 
tected  as  much  as  possible,  even  in  warfare  upon  the  sea, 
that  the  second  Conference  placed  several  restrictions 
upon  its  capture.  It  required  that  due  warning  to  de¬ 
part  must  be  given  to  merchant  ships  which  are  found 
in  the  enemy’s  ports  on  the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  or 
which  enter  them  or  are  captured  upon  the  high  seas  in 
ignorance  of  the  war ;  and  That  if  they  do  not  or  cannot 
heed  this  warning,  neither  they  nor  their  cargoes  may  be 
confiscated,  but  may  only  be  detained  until  the  end  of 
the  war  or  requisitioned  on  payment  of  compensation. 
The  officers  and  crews  of  captured  merchant  ships  are 
not  to  be  made  prisoners  of  war,  provided  they  promise 
not  to  take  part  in  the  war.  Boats  used  exclusively  for 
fishing  purposes,  and  all  ships  (even  warships)  engaged 
in  scientific,  religious  or  philanthropic  missions  were 
exempted  from  capture.  The  mail  matter  of  both  bel¬ 
ligerents  and  neutrals  was  made  inviolable,  and  must  be 


ACHIEVEMENTS  OF  HAGUE  CONFERENCES  13 


forwarded  with  the  least  possible  delay  in  case  the  ship 
conveying  it  is  detained  or  captured.  And  to  prevent 
a  return  to  the  old  practice  of  privateering,  which  was 
abolished  by  many  of  the  nations  in  1856,  as  well  as  to 
make  piracy  more  difficult,  it  was  provided  that  mer¬ 
chant  ships  transformed  into  cruisers  in  time  of  war 
shall  acquire  the  rights  and  privileges  of  warships  only 
when  placed  under  state  control,  with  a  duly  commis¬ 
sioned  commander  and  a  crew  under  military  discipline 
and  conformable  to  the  laws  and  customs  of  warfare. 

The  most  conclusive  evidence  of  the  growing  regard 
for  the  rights  of  private  property,  even  in  warfare  on  the 
sea,  was  the  establishment  by  the  second  Conference  of 
the  International  Prize  Court.  This  court  will  remove 
the  capture  of  merchant  ships  still  farther  from  the  plane 
of  piracy  by  permitting  the  presumably  partial  decision 
of  national  prize  courts  to  be  supplemented  by  the  proba¬ 
bly  impartial  decision  of  an  international  one,  and  will 
thereby  emphasize  the  fundamental  principle  in  inter¬ 
national,  as  in  national,  law  that  a  suitor  shall  not  be  a 
judge  in  his  own  cause. 

Coming  thirdly,  and  lastly,  to  the  measures  adopted 
for  the  prevention  of  warfare,  we  find  in  them  the  crown¬ 
ing  glory  of  the  Hague  Conferences.  They  represent  in 
very  truth  the  Magna  Charta  of  international  law,  and 
they  embody  the  chief  hope  and  the  chief  strength  of  the 
peacemakers  of  the  twentieth  century. 

The  first  Conference  was  called  to  solve  if  possible  the 
problem  of  increasing  armaments,  and  the  world  jumped 
to  the  conclusion  that  a  foolish  attempt  was  to  be  made  to 
usher  in  disarmament.  This  hasty  conclusion  almost  dis¬ 
credited  the  Conference  in  the  eyes  of  practical  people,  but 


14 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


the  proposition  for  disarmament  was  scarcely  even  alluded 
to.  What  was  done  in  both  Conferences  was  to  strike 
in  upon  the  consciousness  of  the  nations  the  fact  that  in 
our  day  and  generation  the  growth  of  armaments  on  land 
and  sea  is  increasing  faster  than  the  growth  of  population 
in  great  cities  or  the  concentration  of  wealth,  and  has 
brought  every  civilized  land  face  to  face  with  very  grave 
financial,  industrial,  political  and  international  perils. 
Both  Conferences  emphasized  this  fact  in  words  of  burn¬ 
ing  eloquence  and  made  a  solemn  appeal  to  the  govern¬ 
ments  to  study  this  problem  thoroughly  and  to  find  some 
solution  of  it  before  it  precipitates  a  gigantic  war  whose 
prevention  is  the  alleged  reason  for  armament  increase. 
This  appeal  has  not  met,  as  yet,  with  governmental  re¬ 
sponse  ;  but  it  is  greatly  to  be  hoped  that,  through  the 
initiative  of  our  own  government,  this  great  and  burning 
problem  may  be  solved  before  it  be  too  late. 

Our  day  has  seen  growing  up,  side  by  side  with  arma¬ 
ments  on  land  and  sea,  the  beginnings  of  armaments  in 
the  air.  The  final  result  to  war  or  peace  of  this  new  de¬ 
velopment  of  human  genius  cannot  yet  be  even  guessed 
at ;  but  both  Conferences  voted  that  the  world  should 
be  spared,  at  least  until  the  end  of  the  next  Conference, 
the  expense,  anxiety  and  incalculable  danger  connected 
with  warfare  in  and  from  the  air.  It  might  help  us  to 
appreciate  the  significance  of  this  prohibition  by  reflecting 
on  the  saving  which  would  have  accrued  to  the  world 
from  a  prohibition  of  dreadnoughts  by  the  First  Hague 
Conference. 

The  irresistible  power  of  publicity,  which  has  been 
exerting  its  sway  in  such  a  remarkable  manner  in  national 
affairs,  was  applied  by  the  Conferences  to  international 


ACHIEVEMENTS  OF  HAGUE  CONFERENCES  15 


affairs.  After  a  long  struggle  in  the  first  Conference  it 
was  agreed  that  the  resort  to  international  commissions 
of  inquiry  is  a  "  useful  ”  method  of  avoiding  warfare, 
and  in  1907  it  was  agreed  that  this  method  is  "  desir¬ 
able  ”  as  well ;  but  they  were  so  hedged  about  with  con¬ 
ditional  phrases  as  to  honor,  vital  interests  and  permissive 
circumstances  that  they  were  derided  as  mere  pretense, 
or  as  a  sop  to  Cerberus.  Nevertheless  they  have  already 
afforded  another  proof  of  the  duty  and  success  of  raising 
a  standard  to  which  the  wise  and  honest  may  repair ; 
for,  indorsed  by  the  Hague  Conference  and  made  readily 
applicable  by  the  adoption  of  a  few  simple  rules  of  pro¬ 
cedure,  one  of  them  enabled  the  great  powers  of  Russia 
and  Great  Britain  to  settle  speedily  and  peacefully  the 
grave  dispute  concerning  the  Hull  fishermen  off  the 
Dogger  Bank.  Reason,  as  well  as  experience,  proves  that 
if  a  thorough  and  impartial  inquiry  be  made  into  inter¬ 
national  differences,  and  if  the  truth,  the  whole  truth, 
and  nothing  but  the  truth  be  published,  a  decent  respect 
for  the  opinion  of  mankind  and  an  aroused  national  and 
international  public  opinion  will  compel  "  circumstances 
to  permit  ”  the  peaceful  settlement  even  of  differences 

in  which  "  honor  and  vital  interests  ”  are  involved.  "In- 
* 

vestigate  before  you  fight,”  was  the  demand  of  the  Con¬ 
ferences  ;  "  investigate  and  you  wont  fight,”  —  at  least 
in  nine  times  out  of  ten, — is  the  verdict  of  recent  history. 

The  agreement  adopted  by  the  Conference  that  powers 
in  dispute  should  have  recourse  to  the  good  offices  or 
mediation  of  one  or  more  friendly  powers  before  an  ap¬ 
peal  to  arms,  in  case  of  any  serious  dispute  and  as  far  as 
circumstances  permit,  was  supplemented  by  the  further 
statement  that  the  signatory  powers  consider  it  useful 


16 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


that  one  or  more  powers,  strangers  to  the  dispute,  should, 
on  their  own  initiative  and  as  far  as  circumstances 
permit,  offer  their  good  offices  or  their  mediation  to  the 
states  at  variance  with  each  other.  The  restriction  of 
this  agreement  by  the  phrase,  "  as  far  as  circumstances 
permit,”  was  considered  an  unfortunate  one,  but  it  was 
adopted  because  the  Conference  did  not  desire  to  attempt 
more  than  the  powers  could  reasonably  be  expected  to 
carry  out. 

When  the  principle  embodied  in  these  agreements  is 
compared  with  the  former  jealous  resentment  of  any 
"  foreign  intervention,”  which  dominated  international 
relations  before  1899,  the  progress  made  by  the  Con¬ 
ference  in  the  mere  frank  statement  of  it  is  apparent. 
But  when  it  is  recalled  that,  inspired  by  it,  President 
Roosevelt  extended  the  good  offices  of  the  United  States 
government  to  Japan  and  Russia  in  their  recent  war 
and  that  the  Peace  of  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire,  was 
the  fortunate  result,  the  value  of  this  feature  of  the 
Convention  of  1899  is  proved  by  an  accomplished  fact 
of  vast  historic  import. 

The  desirability  of  a  more  frequent  resort  to  this  means 
of  avoiding  or  shortening  a  war  was  emphasized  in  the 
Conference  of  1907,  which  adopted  the  words  ”  and 
desirable  ”  to  the  former  statement  that  the  powers  con¬ 
sider  good  offices  and  mediation  "  useful.”  This  slight 
addition  to  the  phraseology  of  1899  may  not  have  directly 
the  desired  result  of  increasing  the  frequency  of  good 
offices  and  mediation,  but  it  at  least  emphasizes  the 
former  statement  that  their  extension,  even  during  the 
course  of  hostilities,  shall  not  be  considered  by  either  of 
the  parties  to  the  dispute  as  an  unfriendly  act.  The 


ACHIEVEMENTS  OF  HAGUE  CONFERENCES  17 


consistent  adoption  of  this  latter  view,  together  with 
the  growing  conviction  that  the  interests  of  one  are  the 
interests  of  all  in  the  family  of  states,  will  increase 
the  frequent  use  of  this  means  of  preventing  war  and 
insuring  justice. 

A  treatise  on  international  law,  which  is  widely  used 
as  a  textbook  in  this  country  and  in  England,  was 
written  by  Professor  Lawrence  of  the  universities  of 
Cambridge  and  Chicago,  and  was  published  a  few  years 
before  the  meeting  of  the  First  Hague  Conference.  That 
treatise  devotes  five  pages  out  of  six  hundred  thirty-six 
to  a  consideration  of  arbitration  in  all  its  phases,  and  these 
are  confined  to  a  discussion  of  the  possibility  of  conclud¬ 
ing  a  treaty  of  arbitration  between  Great  Britain  and 
the  United  States.  A  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration 
for  all  the  world,  with  its  Permanent  Bureau,  Advisory 
Council  and  Peace  Palace  at  The  Hague,  an  Interna¬ 
tional  Prize  Court,  obligatory  arbitration  of  contractual 
indebtedness,  and  scores  of  obligatory-arbitration  treaties 
between  nations,  to  say  nothing  of  a  world  treaty  of  obli¬ 
gatory  arbitration  and  a  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice,  are 
wholly  outside  the  imagination  of  this  brilliant  author, 
whose  book  so  quickly  became  antiquated  ;  or  are  deemed 
so  wholly  imaginative  and  visionary  as  not  to  deserve 
mention.  W e  need  seek  no  more'  striking  evidence  of  the 
advance  registered  by  the  two  Hague  Conferences  than 
this  simple  fact.  For  all  of  these  extraordinary  institu¬ 
tions  have  been  not  merely  dreamed  of  since  1899,  but 
within  the  brief  span  of  eight  years  most  of  them  have 
been  put  into  actual  practice,  and  the  remaining  two  have 
received  the  unanimous  indorsement  and  are  within  the 
determined  acquisition  of  the  large  majority  of  the  nations. 


18 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


A  large  number  of  international  differences  were  sub¬ 
mitted  to  voluntary  arbitration  during  the  century  pre¬ 
ceding  the  Conferences ;  but  for  the  first  time  at  The 
Hague  the  nations  unanimously  indorsed  this  peaceful 
and  rational  method  of  settling  differences,  and  even 
went  so  far  as  to  declare  that  when  a  serious  dispute 
threatens  to  occur  between  two  or  more  nations  it  is  the 
duty  of  the  other  nations  to  remind  the  disputants  that 
an  easy  recourse  to  arbitration  is  open  to  them,  and  to 
advise  them,  in  the  higher  interest  of  peace,  to  resort  to 
it.  The  assertion  of  this  duty  was  re-enforced  by  the  fur¬ 
ther  statement  that  the  disputants  shall  consider  such 
reminder  and  advice  only  as  an  exercise  of  good  offices 
and  by  no  means  an  unfriendly  act. 

The  advance  registered  by  the  Conferences  in  the  di¬ 
rection  of  obligatory  arbitration  may  be  recorded  in  the 
words  of  Baron  Marschall  von  Bieberstein  of  Germany, 
who  said  in  the  second  Conference  : 1  At  the  first  Peace 
Conference  the  German  delegate  declared  in  the  name 
of  his  government  that  experience  in  the  field  of  arbitra¬ 
tion  was  not  of  a  kind  to  permit  an  agreement  at  that 
time  in  favor  of  obligatory  arbitration.  Eight  years  have 
passed  since  that  declaration,  and  experience  in  the  field 
of  arbitration  has  accumulated  to  a  considerable  extent. 
The  question  has  been,  on  the  other  hand,  the  subject  of 
profound  and  continuous  study  on  the  part  of  the  Ger¬ 
man  government.  In  view  of  the  fruits  of  this  examina¬ 
tion,  and  under  the  influence  of  the  fortunate  results 
flowing  from  arbitration,  my  government  is  favorable  to¬ 
day,  in  principle,  to  the  idea  of  obligatory  arbitration. 
It  has  confirmed  the  sincerity  of  this  opinion  by  signing 

1  Deuxieme  Conference  cle  la  Paix,  actes  et  documents,  II,  286. 


ACHIEVEMENTS  OF  HAGUE  CONFERENCES  19 


two  treaties  of  permanent  arbitration,  one  with  the 
British  government,  the  other  with  that  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  both  of  which  include  all  judicial 
questions  or  those  relative  to  the  interpretation  of 
treaties.  We  have,  besides,  inserted  in  our  commercial 
treaties  concluded  within  recent  years  a  compromissary 
clause  for  a  series  of  questions,  and  we  have  the  firm 
intention  of  continuing  to  pursue  the  task  in  which  we 
are  engaged  in  concluding  these  treaties.  In  the  course 
of  our  debates  the  fortunate  fact  has  been  mentioned  that 
a  long  series  of  other  treaties  of  obligatory  arbitration 
has  been  concluded  between  various  states.  This  is  gen¬ 
uine  progress,  and  the  credit  of  it  is  due,  incontestably, 
to  the  first  Peace  Conference.” 

Our  great  American  Secretary  of  State,  Elilm  Root, 
in  his  instructions  to  the  United  States  delegation  to 
the  second  Conference,  also  alluded  to  the  many  separate 
treaties  of  arbitration  between  individual  countries,  and 
said  that  "  this  condition,  which  brings  the  subject  of 
a  general  treaty  for  obligatory  arbitration  into  the  field 
of  practical  discussion  is  undoubtedly  largely  due  to 
the  fact  that  the  powers  generally  in  the  First  Hague 
Conference  committed  themselves  to  the  principle  of  the 
pacific  settlement  of  international  questions  in  the  admir¬ 
able  convention  for  voluntary  arbitration  then  adopted.” 

The  second  Conference  did  not  succeed  in  agreeing 
upon  a  world  treaty  of  obligatory  arbitration,  but  thirty- 
five  of  the  nations  voted  for  such  a  treaty,  and  those  who 
opposed  it  did  so  on  the  ground  that  it  might  retard 
the  growth  of  obligatory-arbitration  treaties  between  the 
nations  separately  ;  while  forty-two  of  them  declared 
their  conviction  that  certain  classes  of  international 


20 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


differences  are  capable  of  being  submitted  to  obliga¬ 
tory  arbitration  without  any  restriction  whatsoever. 

The  principle  of  obligatory  arbitration  was  strikingly 
applied  by  the  second  Conference  in  its  adoption  of  the 
Porter  proposition,  which  requires  the  submission  to 
arbitration  of  disputes  relating  to  contractual  indebted¬ 
ness  before  the  use  of  force  for  its  collection  is  permis¬ 
sible.  This  was  one  of  the  greatest  achievements  in  the 
history  of  diplomacy,  and  reflects  undying  luster  upon 
its  chief  advocate,  our  own  illustrious  general  and  diplo¬ 
matist,  Horace  Porter.  The  advance  registered  by  it  is 
especially  appreciated  by  Latin  America,  which  has  been 
too  often  the  prey  of  unscrupulous  foreign  promoters, 
and  by  our  own  republic, .  whose  peaceful  enforcement 
of  the  Monroe  doctrine  is  greatly  facilitated  by  it. 

The  German  proposition  to  establish  an  International 
Prize  Court  electrified  the  second  Conference  by  its  nov¬ 
elty  and  significance,  but,  despite  the  knotty  problems  of 
sovereignty  and  equality  involved  in  it,  the  Conference 
enthusiastically  and,  with  the  exception  of  one  vote, 
unanimously  adopted  it.  The  establishment  of  an  inter¬ 
national  high  court  of  justice  functioning  as  a  court  of 
appeal  from  national  courts  in  cases  of  merchant  ships 
captured  in  naval  war  was,  for  several  reasons,  one  of 
the  second  Conference’s  most  important  achievements. 
It  is  the  first  truly  international  court  established  in  the 
history  of  the  world.  Its  decisions  will  be  a  fruitful 
source  of  maritime  law.  It  will  remove  a  fertile  cause  of 
disputes  between  the  belligerents  themselves,  and  between 
them  and  neutral  nations,  and  will  thereby  lessen  the 
bitterness  of  wars  once  begun  and  prevent  the  outbreak 
of  others.  The  unanimous  adoption  (with  the  exception 


ACHIEVEMENTS  OF  HAGUE  CONFERENCES  21 


of  Brazil’s  vote)  of  its  method  of  selecting  judges  will 
pave  the  way  for  the  solution  of  the  same  question  in 
regard  to  the  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice.  By  supplying 
in  time  of  war  a  regular  adjudication  of  one  very  impor¬ 
tant  and  delicate  class  of  international  differences  it  will 
serve  as  an  inductive  argument  and  give  a  strong  impulse 
to  the  establishment  of  the  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice  for 
the  adjudication  of  all  classes  of  international  differences 
in  time  of  peace.  And,  finally,  its  establishment  has 
already  given  rise  to  one  important  international  naval 
conference,  that  in  London  in  1908-1909,  which  will 
doubtless  be  followed  by  others,  designed  to  fill  up  the 
gaps  and  strengthen  the  weak  spots  in  the  maritime  law 
of  nations,  and  thus  to  afford  the  new  International  Prize 
Court  a  more  solid  legislative  foundation  upon  which  to 
erect  its  structure  of  judicial  decisions  and  precedents. 

The  institution  established  by  the  Conferences  at  The 
Hague  which  stands  out  pre-eminent  in  the  mind  of  the 
nations  is  the  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration.  This 
pre-eminence  is  deserved ;  for,  although  this  institution 
is  not  truly  permanent  nor  is  it  a  genuine  court,  yet  it 
is  the  pioneer  of  its  race  and  has  already  proved  itself 
of  incalculable  utility,  having  settled  four  important  in¬ 
ternational  differences  and  attracted  six  others  into  the 
path  toward  peaceful  solution.1  Like  the  Magna  Charta 
of  England  and  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
it  is  the  corner  stone  of  the  edifice  of  international  law 
and  justice  which  will  be  erected  in  the  future ;  while 
its  establishment  is  a  tangible  evidence  of  the  fact  that 
national  governments,  whose  duty  it  is  to  enforce  law 

1  This  was  written  in  1909.  The  number  of  cases  tried  through  October, 
1912,  was  twelve. 


22 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


and  justice  within  their  own  territories,  themselves  rec¬ 
ognize  the  eternal  and  universal  validity  of  those  prin¬ 
ciples  upon  which  their  own  reason  for  existence  and 
claim  to  allegiance  are  based.  A  national  observance  of 
international  law  and  obedience  to  international  justice 
cannot  fail  greatly  to  strengthen  individuals’  observance 
of  and  obedience  to  national  law  and  justice.  The  ad¬ 
vance  registered,  then,  by  the  Permanent  Court  of  Arbi¬ 
tration  and  the  admirable  code  of  procedure  adopted  for 
it  is  of  profound  significance  upon  both  the  national  and 
the  international  scale. 

The  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice,  although  not  set  in 
operation  by  the  second  Conference,  constitutes  the  inter¬ 
national  Promised  Land  of  the  world  to-day.  A  truly 
permanent  and  a  genuine  court,  with  a  prestige  based 
upon  consecutive  decisions  and  a  consistent  interpreta¬ 
tion  of  international  law,  was  a  great,  a  path-breaking 
idea.  The  potency  of  great  ideas  in  human  history  needs 
not  to  be  argued.  Now  this  idea,  although  abandoned  as 
impracticable  by  the  first  Conference,  was  introduced  in 
the  second  Conference  only  eight  years  later,  and  was 
explained,  attacked,  defended  and  almost  unanimously 
accepted  as  both  desirable  and  practicable.  Some  of  the 
ablest  of  international  jurists  collaborated  in  the  task  of 
advocating  that  idea  and  giving  to  it  form  and  substance. 
The  concrete  results  of  their  labor  were  adopted  by  the 
Conference  and  are  published  not  as  a  vermiform  ap¬ 
pendix  but  as  an  essential  annex  to  the  Final  Act.  Not 
only  will  the  idea  of  such  a  court  henceforth  stand 
behind  the  wrong  of  warfare,  but  it  will  inevitably  rule 
the  future.  The  court  itself,  fashioned  and  wrought  out 
in  all  but  one  of  its  details,  needs  only  an  agreement 


ACHIEVEMENTS  OF  HAGUE  CONFERENCES  23 


as  to  the  appointment  of  its  judges,  and  when  this 
breath  of  life  is  breathed  into  it  by  any  number  of  the 
nations,  it  will  at  once  spring  into  beneficent  activity. 
Its  operation  does  not  require  unanimity  among  the 
nations,  as  did  so  many  other  features  of  the  Final  Act 
of  The  Hague ;  nor  does  it  require  even  a  two-tliirds 
acceptance,  as  did  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  ; 
but  the  moment  when  two  or  more  powers  agree  upon 
the  appointment  of  its  judges,  it  will  open  its  doors  for 
the  pacification  of  disputes.  Even  though  constituted 
by  only  two  powers,  it  will  be  known  as  the  Court  of 
Arbitral  Justice  at  The  Hague,  and,  like  a  city  set 
upon  a  hill,  it  will  eventually  draw  to  it  all  nations 
seeking  to  escape  the  evils  of  warfare.  It  was  greatly 
to  be  desired,  of  course,  and  it  is  still  greatly  to  be 
desired,  that  its  operation  should  come  as  the  result  of 
unanimous  agreement.  But  even  from  this  point  of  view 
it  should  be  noted  that  the  Conference  voted  unani¬ 
mously  the  recommendation  that  the  governments  should 
adopt  not  some  court  but  this  particular  Court  of  Arbi¬ 
tral  Justice,  and  put  it  into  operation  as  soon  as  they 
could  agree  upon  the  choice  of  its  judges. 

Two  great  Americans,  Eliliu  Root  and  Joseph  H. 
Choate,  were  the  Moses  and  Aaron  who  led  the  second 
Conference  into  the  path  toward  this  Promised  Land ; 
the  Conference  as  the  result  of  infinite  toil  has  led  the 
world  across  the  desert  to  the  Jordan;  and  now  it  is 
the  growing  hope  of  the  civilized  world  that  Philander 
Chase  Knox  will  be  the  Joshua  who  will  lead  it  across 
that  one  last  river,  the  difficulty,  namely,  as  to  the 
appointment  of  the  judges. 

Looking  back  upon  this  brief  summary  of  the  work  of 


24 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


the  two  Hague  Conferences,  we  must  admit  that  the 
past  at  least  is  secure.  The  alleviation  and  prevention 
of  many  of  warfare’s  former  horrors,  its  restriction  within 
narrow  limits,  the  protection  of  noncombatants  and 
neutrals  from  its  ravages,  the  assertion  of  principles 
and  the  establishment  of  practices  for  its  prevention  and 
for  the  enforcement  of  justice,  such  were  the  great 
achievements  of  these  two  epoch-making  events  in  the 
world’s  history.  There  they  stand  in  all  their  undying 
luster,  so  that  he  who  runs  may  see  that  they  have 
afforded  to  the  peace  workers  of  our  time  a  new  and 
positive  program,  on  which  every  true  believer  in  inter¬ 
national  peace,  of  no  matter  what  complexion  his  belief 
may  be,  can  find  room  and  opportunity  for  labor,  and  the 
realization  of  which  will  not  only  make  present  arma¬ 
ments  as  obsolete  as  would  a  fleet  of  aircraft,  but  will  at 
last  usher  in  a  reign  of  law  and  justice  within  that  No 
Man’s  Land  of  international  relations.  When  the  traveler 
in  some  distant  time  shall  stand  beside  the  Palace  of 
Peace  in  The  Hague,  and  shall  look  out  over  a  world 
in  which  the  hoary  forces  of  warfare  have  been  perma¬ 
nently  diked  within  the  channels  of  peaceful  commerce, 
when  he  shall  hear  the  voice  of  international  justice 
rolling  forth  to  every  clime  and  corner  of  the  world, 
and  shall  know  that  the  writ  of  the  Court  of  Arbitral 
Justice  runs  freely  and  unquestioned  from  the  mountains 
of  Venezuela  to  the  shores  of  the  Adriatic  and  the 
Golden  Horn,  then  will  he  clearly  see  what  our  less- 
seeing  eyes  can  only  dimly  see  —  the  full  richness  of  the 
harvest  of  peace  and  justice  that  sprang  from  the  seed 
which  the  two  Hague  Conferences  sowed. 


II 


THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  THE  HAGUE 

CONFERENCES  1 

The  new  Peace  Movement  began  practically  with  the 
two  Peace  Conferences  held  at  The  Hague  in  1899  and 
1907.  The  part  played  by  the  American  delegations  in 
these  two  epoch-making  Conferences  should  be  known 
to  every  good  American,  not  merely  because  the  work 
done  by  them  as  a  whole  is  most  creditable  to  their 
statesmanship  and  humanity  and '  therefore  a  source  of 
justifiable  and  lasting  pride  to  Americans,  but  also 
because  a  knowledge  of  what  they  accomplished  and 
attempted  should  lead  to  the  putting  forth  of  every  pos¬ 
sible  effort  to  accomplish  what  yet  remains  to  be  done. 

I  shall  present  the  record  of  this  work  very  briefly 
under  six  heads  —  the  limitation  of  armaments,  warfare 
in  the  air,  on  the  land,  and  on  the  sea,  the  settlement 
of  international  disputes  by  peaceful  means,  and  the 
summoning  of  the  third  Peace  Conference. 

In  1899  the  American  delegation  voted  to  have  the 
question  of  limitation  of  armaments  referred  to  the  gov¬ 
ernments  for  serious  study;  and  in  1907  it  insisted 
upon  its  right  to  introduce  the  subject  for  discussion, 
although  it  had  not  been  mentioned  on  the  program 
issued  by  the  Russian  government,  and  it  also  supported 

1  Published  as  Pamphlet  No.  2  by  the  Maryland  Peace  Society,  1910. 

25 


26 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


the  British  proposal  that  the  subject  should  again  be 
commended  to  the  earnest  attention  and  serious  study 
of  the  governments  with  the  view  to  finding  some 
means  of  checking  a  further  increase  in,  and  if  possible 
reducing,  the  present  heavy  burden  which  armaments 
press  down  upon  the  shoulders  of  every  civilized  people. 

The  position  of  the  American  delegation  in  regard  to 
warfare  in  the  air  was  midway  between  the  proposal  to 
prohibit  this  warfare  forever  and  the  proposal  to  sub¬ 
ject  it  to  no  other  restrictions  than  those  imposed  upon 
warfare  on  the  land  and  on  the  sea ;  that  is  to  say, 
the  American  delegation  at  both  Conferences  advocated 
and  voted  for  the  temporary  prohibition  which  was  de¬ 
cided  upon. 

Most  of  the  measures  adopted  and  proposed  for  the 
alleviation  of  the  horrors  of  warfare  on  land  received 
the  Americans’  support.  They  advocated  the  revision 
of  the  Geneva  Convention,  and  participated  in  that  re¬ 
vision  which  occurred  in  1906  and  which  gave  greater 
scope  to  the  humanitarian  activities  of  the  Red  Cross 
societies.  They  supported  the  requirement  that  a  definite 
declaration  of  war  shall  be  issued  before  hostilities  are 
begun,  binding  our  Congress  as  well  as  our  executive 
to  this  requirement ;  but  they  opposed  a  proposition  that 
hostilities  should  not  begin  until  a  prescribed  time  shall 
elapse  after  the  declaration  is  issued.  They  supported  the 
provision  that  the  cost  of  maintaining  prisoners  of  war 
shall  not  be  deducted  from  the  wages  paid  to  them 
upon  their  release.  The  part  of  the  American  delega¬ 
tion’s  record  most  to  be  regretted,  in  regard  to  the 
alleviation  of  the  horrors  of  warfare,  was  its  rejection 
in  1899  and  its  refusal  to  accept  in  1907  the  prohibition 


*  UNITED  STATES  AND  HAGUE  CONFERENCES  27 


which  all  the  rest  of  the  civilized  nations  of  the  world 
have  agreed  upon,  the  prohibition,  namely,  of  the  use 
of  "  dum-dum  ”  bullets  and  of  projectiles  whose  object 
is  the  diffusion  of  asphyxiating  gases. 

In  connection  with  warfare  upon  the  sea  the  American 
delegation  played  a  part  of  considerable  importance.  It 
participated  in  the  application  of  the  Red  Cross  rules  to 
warfare  upon  the  sea ;  it  advocated  in  the  interests  of 
neutral  nations  the  restrictions  of  the  use  of  submarine 
mines  by  belligerents ;  it  advocated  the  prohibition  of 
the  bombardment  of  undefended  ports  and  buildings ;  it 
supported  the  measures  adopted  for  the  protection  of 
the  rights  of  neutral  commerce  and  for  the  restriction 
of  belligerent  warships  in  neutral  ports ;  and  it  opposed 
the  destruction  of  neutral  prizes,  even  though  the  prize 
which  could  not  be  taken  to  some  port  would  of  neces¬ 
sity  be  permitted  to  escape.  In  neither  of  the  Conferences 
did  the  American  delegation  adhere  to  the  Declaration 
of  Paris,  which  forbade  a  resort  to  privateering  and 
to  which  most  of  the  other  nations  of  the  world  have 
acceded ;  but  in  both  Conferences  it  championed  the 
exemption  from  capture  of  private  property  in  time  of 
war  upon  the  sea,  whether  by  warships  or  by  privateers. 
In  the  first  Conference  this  great  American  proposition 
was  ably  championed  by  Ambassador  White,  but  was 
not  brought  to  a  vote ;  in  the  second  Conference  it 
was  ably  championed  by  Ambassador  Choate,  and  secured 
an  affirmative  vote  of  21  out  of  32  delegations  voting. 
On  the  question  of  blockade  and  contraband  the  Ameri¬ 
can  delegation  did  not  keep  pace  with  the  most  advanced 
propositions  made  at  The  Hague  by  the  Italian  and 
British  delegations ;  but  in  the  conference  at  London, 


28 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


which  occurred  in  the  winter  of  1908-1909,  our  govern¬ 
ment  supported  the  compromise  measures  which  it  sup¬ 
ported  at  The  Hague  and  which  were  adopted  at  London. 

In  the  support  of  the  measures  proposed  and  adopted 
for  the  settlement  of  international  disputes  by  peaceful 
means  the  American  delegation  won  undying  glory.  It 
supported  the  measures  designed  to  facilitate  the  ex¬ 
tension  of  mediation  and  good  offices  to  disputants  by 
disinterested  governments ;  and  it  suggested  and  secured 
the  adoption  of  the  device  of  "  special  ”  mediation,  from 
which  so  much  has  been  and  still  is  hoped  for  in  the 
prevention  of  warfare.  It  not  only  supported  vigorously 
the  provision  of  international  commissions  of  inquiry, 
designed  to  ascertain  the  exact  truth  in  cases  of  inter¬ 
national  disputes,  but  it  also  urged  that  the  report  of 
such  commissions  should  leave  the  powers  in  dispute 
entire  liberty  to  pursue  one  of  two  courses,  namely,  to 
conclude  an  amicable  arrangement  or  to  resort  to  the 
Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  at  The  Hague. 

The  American  delegation  gave  its  support  to  the 
Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration,  and  its  spokesman  on 
that  occasion,  Mr.  Holls,  delivered  an  eloquent  address 
expressing  the  profound  interest  of  American  citizens 
in  the  promotion  of  arbitration,  and  asserting  that  the 
delegation  in  that  matter  looked  upon  itself  as  bound 
by  a  most  solemn  moral  obligation  incurred  not  between 
the  governments  but  between  the  peoples  of  the  civi¬ 
lized  world.  Mr.  Holls  also  performed  a  most  important 
service  in  visiting  the  German  capital  and  assisting  to 
procure  for  the  Court  the  necessary  adhesion  of  the 
German  Empire.  The  French  proposition  that  the  Con¬ 
ference  should  declare  it  to  be  a  duty  to  remind  any 


UNITED  STATES  AND  HAGUE  CONFERENCES  29 


members  of  the  family  of  nations  which  may  fall  into 
dispute  that  the  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  is  open 
to  them,  was  also  vigorously  supported  by  the  American 
delegation,  and  it  was  stated  by  its  spokesman  that  the 
adoption  of  the  resolution  recognizing  such  a  moral  duty 
would  result  in  the  opening  of  a  new  era,  in  which  the 
solidarity  of  nations  would  be  recognized  in  practice  as 
in  principle,  and  in  which  the  nations  would  really  act 
upon  the  truism  that  the  interest  of  each  is  the  interest 
of  all.  In  the  Conference  of  1907  the  American  dele¬ 
gation  was  the  foremost  champion  of  a  general  treaty  of 
obligatory  arbitration,  and  succeeded  in  securing  for  the 
principle  of  obligatory  arbitration  a  unanimous  vote.  It 
stood  also  for  the  widest  possible  scope  of  obligatory 
arbitration,  and  although  it  did  not  succeed  in  securing 
the  adoption  of  a  general  treaty  providing  for  the  obli¬ 
gatory  arbitration  of  specific  classes  of  cases,  it  never¬ 
theless  achieved  the  epoch-making  triumph  of  securing 
the  adoption  of  the  Porter  proposition,  which  provides 
for  the  obligatory  arbitration  of  international  indebted¬ 
ness  before  the  use  of  force  is  resorted  to.  It  also  was 
the  author  and  champion  of  the  plan  for  establishing  a 
Court  of  Arbitral  Justice  which  should  be  truly  perma¬ 
nent  and  truly  judicial ;  and  thus,  although  it  did  not 
secure  the  adoption  of  this  court,  it  has  held  up  before  the 
nations  the  next  standard  toward  which  international 
progress  must  advance.  It  assisted  the  German  and 
British  delegations  to  devise  the  various  parts  of  the 
International  Prize  Court  which  has  been  adopted  by 
the  nations,  and  which  our  Secretary  of  State  has  en¬ 
deavored  to  convert  into  the  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice 
which  our  delegation  strove  for  at  The  Hague. 


30 


THE  HEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


Finally,  it  was  through  the  initiative  and  diplomacy 
of  the  American  delegation  that  the  second  Conference 
decided  to  provide  for  the  meeting  of  the  third  Peace 
Conference  at  The  Hague,  thus  making  the  meeting  of 
that  assembly  independent  of  the  vicissitudes  or  whims 
of  any  one  nation,  and  doing  much  to  assure  for  the  fu¬ 
ture  a  continuous  series  of  Hague  Conferences,  which 
will  act  as  the  source  of  international  legislation  and  as 
the  solvent  of  many  international  problems. 

Looking  back  on  this  brief  history  of  America’s  work 
at  The  Hague,  we  may  say  with  truth  and  with  justi¬ 
fiable  pride  that  the  past  is  a  chapter  of  great  achieve¬ 
ments,  while  the  future  is  full  of  great  possibilities.  The 
burning  question  before  us  to-day  is  this :  Is  the  future 
to  be  worthy  of  the  past,  and  are  its  possibilities  to  be 
realized  ?  The  answer  to  this  question  will  depend 
largely  upon  the  attitude  of  mind  and  the  efforts  of 
American  citizens ;  and  all  that  our  fellow  countrymen 
need  to  nerve  them  to  the  achievement  of  the  task  before 
them  is  a  campaign  of  education  in  which  the  truth  about 
the  past  and  the  possibilities  of  the  future  may  be  brought 
home  to  them.  There  is  no  better  place  to  begin  this  cam¬ 
paign  of  education  than  in  this  great  institution  of  learn¬ 
ing1  whose  congenial  soil  has  nourished  many  another 
great  ideal,  and  in  this  city  of  Baltimore,  the  birthplace  of 
that  immortal  song,  "  The  Star-Spangled  Banner,’'  which 
has  given  expression  to  the  ideals  represented  by  our  coun¬ 
try’s  flag  in  the  minds  of  Americans  of  the  past  century. 

Would  that  a  new  and  greater  Francis  Scott  Key 
might  arise  to  write  a  song  interpretive  of  the  ideals  of 
our  flag  for  our  own  generation  !  When  I  was  attending 

1  This  address  was  first  given  at  Johns  Hopkins  University. 


UNITED  STATES  AND  HAGUE  CONFERENCES  31 


the  twenty-fifth  annual  meeting  of  the  American  Histor¬ 
ical  Association  in  New  York  last  week,  there  was  given, 
in  the  Hotel  Waldorf,  a  luncheon  for  about  one  thousand 
members  of  the  association  and  some  ten  or  twelve 
representatives  from  foreign  institutions  of  learning.  It 
was  of  interest  to  me  to  observe  that  the  most  prominent 
and,  it  seemed  to  me,  the  most  appropriate  decoration  of 
the  hall  on  that  occasion  was  the  Peace  Flag  of  America, 
the  Stars  and  Stripes  with  a  border  of  pure  white.  In  the 
evening,  in  that  same  hall,  there  was  given  a  series  of 
historical  tableaux,  one  of  which  was  the  representa¬ 
tion  of  a  portrait  of  Francis  Scott  Key.  The  youth  who 
impersonated  the  portrait  was  the  grandson  of  Francis 
Scott  Key ;  and  as  I  looked  upon  his  features,  said  to 
be  so  like  those  of  his  immortal  grandsire,  and  upon  the 
folds  of  the  Star-Spangled  Banner  which  he  held  in  his 
hand,  facing  as  he  did  the  American  Peace  Flag,  I  could 
not  but  believe  that  here  was  a  graphic  representation  of 
the  ideals  of  our  country’s  past  and  a  shadowing  forth 
of  the  ideals  of  its  future. 

In  conclusion  I  will  mention  briefly  the  American 
ideals  which  were  advocated  by  the  American  delegation 
at  The  Hague,  and  which  have  become  the  ideals  for 
whose  realization  in  the  immediate  future  our  American 
Peace  Flag  may  well  be  the  emblem. 

First,  a  restriction  of  armaments,  not  merely  because 
they  are  an  enormous  burden  upon  the  world’s  industry 
and  a  menace  to  the  social  stability  of  every  nation,  but 
because  they  are  a  constant  menace  to  the  world’s  peace 
and  the  prime  obstacle  to  the  administration  of  interna¬ 
tional  justice  by  means  of  the  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice, 
or  indeed  by  any  peaceful  and  judicial  means  whatsoever. 


32 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


Seponcl,  the  determination  that  the  warfare  of  the  fu¬ 
ture  shall  not  fill  with  its  malign  bulk  the  element  of  the 
air,  as  it  has  done  in  the  past  the  land  and  the  seas. 

Third,  that  until  warfare  upon  the  land  has  been  en¬ 
tirely  abolished  it  shall  be  more  closely  restricted  by 
means  of  a  prolonged  interval  between  the  declaration 
and  the  beginning  of  hostilities ;  and  by  means  of  the 
prohibition  of  "dum-dum”  bullets,  asphyxiating  gases, 
and  all  other  savage  and  unnecessarily  cruel  means  of 
injuring  the  enemy. 

Fourth,  that  warfare  upon  the  sea  shall  be  more  strin¬ 
gently  controlled  in  the  interests  of  neutral  commerce, 
and  especially  by  the  exemption  from  capture  of  private 
property  upon  the  sea. 

Fifth,  that  America  shall  consider  it  her  chief  duty  as 
a  world  power  to  extend  her  good  offices  in  case  of  diffi¬ 
culties  between  other  members  of  the  family  of  nations  ; 
to  be  ready  to  accept  the  mediation  proffered  by  other 
nations  for  the  solution  of  her  own  disputes ;  and  espe¬ 
cially  to  fulfill  the  duty  which  she  admitted  in  common 
with  the  rest  of  the  world,  namely,  that  of  influencing 
all  nations  at  variance  with  each  other  to  resort  to  the 
Hague  court  of  arbitration  or  other  peaceable  means  of 
settling  international  disputes. 

Sixth,  that  America  shall  act  upon  her  belief  in  the 
truth  of  this  University’s  motto,  written  here  before  you 
( Veritas  vos  liber abit'),  and  shall  be  always  ready  to  re¬ 
sort  to  international  commissions  of  inquiry  in  order  to 
ascertain  the  exact  truth  and  to  become  freed  from  preju¬ 
dice  and  passion,  and  in  order  to  see  to  it  that  justice 
rather  than  diplomatic  triumph  shall  be  the  keynote  of 
our  international  relations. 


UNITED  STATES  AND  HAGUE  CONFERENCES  33 


Seventh,  that  American  delegations  of  the  future  shall 
continue  to  strive  for  the  adoption  of  a  treaty  of  obli¬ 
gatory  arbitration  which  shall  embrace  every  member  of 
the  family  of  nations,  and  which  shall  include  every 
possible  kind  of  dispute  between  them. 

Eighth,  that  for  the  judicial  determination  of  every 
international  dispute  the  international  Court  of  Arbitral 
Justice,  so  splendidly  initiated  by  the  American  dele¬ 
gation  at  The  Hague,  shall  be  speedily  and  securely 
established. 

And,  finally;  that  America  shall  see  to  it  that  an  un¬ 
broken  line  of  Hague  Conferences  shall  be  held,  which 
shall  be  the  bulwark  of  international  liberty  and  inter¬ 
national  justice  as  surely  as  the  unbroken  succession  of 
the  British  Parliament  and  the  American  Congress  is 
the  bulwark  of  Anglo-Saxon  liberty,  law  and  order. 


Ill 


THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  LATIN  AMERICA 

AT  THE  HAGUE1 

The  corner  stone  of  international  law  is  the  equality 
of  sovereign  states.  This  principle  has  been  accepted  as 
fundamental  and  essential  by  international  and  national 
jurists  alike,  from  the  second  quarter  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  when  Hugo  Grotius  asserted  it  in  his  immortal 
"  De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis,”  2  to  the  second  quarter  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  when  Chief  Justice  Marshall  empha¬ 
sized  it  in  the  words,  "No  principle  of  general  law  is 
more  universally  acknowledged  than  the  perfect  equality 
of  nations.”  3 

In  this  first  quarter  of  the  twentieth  century  there 
is  not  only  a  disposition  to  deny  the  reality  of  this  prin¬ 
ciple,  but  it  has  been  flatly,  almost  resentfully,  denied  by 
various  publicists.4  Thus  Professor  Lawrence  of  Cam¬ 
bridge  and  Chicago  has  said :  "  The  doctrine  of  equality  is 
becoming  obsolete  and  must  be  superseded  by  the  doctrine 
that  a  primacy  with  regard  to  some  important  matters 
is  vested  in  the  foremost  powers  of  the  civilized  world. 
Europe  is  working  around  again  to  the  old  notion  of  a 

1  Published  as  Pamphlet  No.  44  by  the  American  Association  for  In¬ 
ternational  Conciliation,  1911.  2  De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis,  II,  xxii,  13-14. 

3  The  Antelope ,  10  Wheaton,  66. 

4  T.  J.  Lawrence,  The  Principles  of  International  Law  (third  edition, 
1906,  p.  242) ;  see  also  a  discussion  at  the  third  annual  meeting  of  the  Ameri¬ 
can  Society  of  International  Law,  held  in  Washington,  D.C.,  April,  1910, 
in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Society. 


34 


THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  LATIN  AMERICA  35 


common  superior,  not  indeed  a  pope  or  an  emperor,  but 
a  committee,  a  body  of  representatives  of  her  leading 
states.  On  the  American  continent  a  similar  primacy, 
though  hardly  of  so  pronounced  a  character  [as  that  of 
the  six  "  great  powers  ”  of  Europe],  seems  to  be  vested 
in  the  United  States.”  1 

The  reasons  for  this  changing  view  are  not  far  to  seek. 
The  intervention  of  the  great  powers  of  Europe  in  the 
domestic  affairs  of  various  small  powers  has  been  im¬ 
pressive  and  frequent,  from  1819  and  1821,  when  the 
Holy  Alliance  snuffed  out  liberty  and  union  in  Ger¬ 
many  and  Italy,  down  to  the  recent  "  arrangements  ”  of 
the  great  powers  for  the  conduct  of  affairs  in  Persia, 
Manchuria,  Macedonia  and  Morocco.  The  "  big  stick  ” 
of  our  own  republic,  too,  has  cast  a  larger  and  larger 
shadow  over  this  hemisphere,  from  1895,  when  Secretary 
Olney  asserted  that  ”  to-day  the  United  States  is  prac¬ 
tically  sovereign  on  this  continent,  and  its  fiat  is  law 
upon  the  subjects  to  which  it  confines  its  interposition,” 
down  to  the  revolution  of  November,  1903,  when  the 
province  of  Panama  seceded  from  Colombia  and  became, 
under  the  segis  of  the  United  States,  a  free  and  inde¬ 
pendent  republic.  By  such  application  of  the  primacy 
theory  have  some  of  our  American  statesmen  endeavored 
to  call  into  being  a  ”  great  power  ”  in  the  New  World  to 
redress  the  balance  of  the  six  ”  great  powers  ”  in  the  Old. 

Many  of  the  facts,  then,  of  recent  international  relations 
seem  to  militate  against  the  validity  of  the  old  principle 
of  the  equality  of  sovereign  states ;  and  those  who  seek 
for  international  law  solely  in  the  facts  of  international 
practice  reject  this  old  principle  from  the  new  science. 

1  See  note  4  on  preceding  page. 


36 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


But  there  is  another  and  even  more  potent  reason 
for  this  changing  view.  There  are  certain  great  objects 
which  some  of  the  "  great  powers  ”  are  now  seeking  ear¬ 
nestly  to  secure,  and  which  some  of  the  "  small  powers  ” 
have  thus  far  successfully  resisted.  These  objects  have 
to  do  chiefly  with  the  development  of  certain  phases  of 
international  legislation  and  jurisdiction  which  came  into 
prominence  at  the  Second  Conference  at  The  Hague.  Dis¬ 
couraged  or  despairing  in  the  face  of  this  resistance,  the 
advocates  of  these  measures,  who  are  nationals  of  one  or 
another  of  the  r'  great  powers, have  lost  all  patience 
with  the  principle  of  equality  which  controlled  the  pro¬ 
cedure  at  The  Hague,  and,  throwing  this  principle  over¬ 
board,  have  launched  an  attempt  to  secure  their  objects 
without  the  consent  of,  or  even  consultation  with,  the 
"  little  fellows  ”  in  the  family  of  nations.  Our  own 
country,  which  has  won  lasting  credit  and  renown  for 
its  leadership  or  advocacy  of  the  measures  referred  to, 
seems  also  at  times  to  be  losing  patience  with  the  appar¬ 
ently  slow  progress  of  some  of  our  Latin  American 
neighbors,  not  only  in  the  establishment  of  stable  gov¬ 
ernments  at  home,  but  also  in  the  acceptance  of  the  pro¬ 
posed  measures  of  international  progress. 

It  is  essential,  then,  in  justice  to  the  principle  of  inter¬ 
national  equality  which  has  been  the  nominal  guide  of 
the  past,  and  which  is  still  cherished  as  fundamental  in 
some  quarters  of  the  world,  and  it  is  essential  in  esti¬ 
mating  aright  the  value  of  the  principle  of  "  great-power 
primacy  ”  which  threatens  to  rule  the  future,  to  have 
clearly  in  mind  the  facts  of  the  alleged  resistance  of  the 
Latin  American  republics  offered  at  The  Hague  to  the 
measures  proposed  by  their  sister  republic  of  the  North. 


THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  LATIN  AMERICA  37 


When  the  British  and  United  States  delegations  made 
their  successful  effort  to  induce  the  Conference  to  urge 
upon  the  governments  the  serious  study  of  the  possibility 
of  an  agreement  as  to  the  limitation  of  armed  forces, 
their  effort  was  materially  aided  by  the  inductive  argu¬ 
ment  that  Argentina  and  Chile  had  already  made  such 
an  agreement.1  Thus  did  a  Latin  American  incident  of 
recent  years  re-enforce  the  Anglo-American  application 
of  the  same  principle  on  the  Canadian  border  line  nearly 
a  century  ago,  and  the  Anglo-American  championship 
before  the  Conference  of  the  idea  that  the  time  may  have 
come  for  the  application  of  the  principle  on  a  world  scale. 

The  declaration  of  the  Conference  prohibiting  a  resort 
to  warfare  in  the  air,  before  the  end  of  the  next  Con¬ 
ference,  was  adhered  to  by  the  United  States  and  by 
twelve  of  the  eighteen  Latin  American  delegations ; 
and  the  other  six,2  which  voted  against  the  declaration 
or  abstained  from  voting  at  all,  were  influenced  in  this 
action  by  their  kinsmen,  the  Frenchmen  and  Spaniards, 
and  also  by  the  consideration  that  the  advantage  of  the 
"  great  powers  ”  in  the  possession  of  dreadnoughts 
might  be  nullified  by  the  use  of  some  new  and  relatively 
inexpensive  device  of  the  "  birdmen.”  That  so  large  a 
proportion  of  Latin  America  adhered  to  the  prohibition 
is  greatly  to  the  credit  of  their  humanity.  The  various 
agreements  designed  to  mitigate  the  horrors  of  warfare 
on  land,  which  were  supported  by  the  United  States, 
received  the  Latin  Americans’  support  as  well.  In  regard 
to  the  prohibition  of  "  dum-dum  ”  bullets,  or  bullets 

1  The  Cliile-Argentina  treaty  of  1902  for  the  limitation  of  armaments 
was  read  to  the  Conference  during  the  discussion  of  the  question  of  arma¬ 
ments,  and  was  received  with  vigorous  applause. 

2  Chile,  Guatemala,  Mexico,  Nicaragua,  Paraguay  and  Venezuela. 


38 


TIIE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


which  expand  or  flatten  easily  in  the  human  body, 
Latin  America  has  outstripped  our  own  republic  in  its 
acceptance.  Indeed,  the  United  States  now  stands  alone 
among  all  the  world’s  nations  in  refusing  to  adhere  to 
this  prohibition,  which  is  so  imperatively  dictated  by  the 
voice  of  humanity. 

Latin  America  was  also  abreast  with  the  best  thought 
of  the  Conference  in  regard  to  the  treatment  accorded  to 
prisoners  of  war.  Two  Cuban  propositions  that  prisoners 
of  war  may  be  kept  in  confinement  only  as  an  indispen¬ 
sable  measure  of  safety,  and  only  during  the  circum¬ 
stances  which  necessitate  their  confinement,  and  that  a 
special  bureau  of  information  shall  procure  and  furnish 
to  the  prisoners’  governments  all  desirable  particulars 
concerning  them,  were  adopted  unanimously ;  and  thus 
was  recorded  on  the  statute  book  of  the  nations  a  pro¬ 
hibition  of  two  heart-rending  evils  from  which  Cuba  has 
suffered  pre-eminently  during  the  past  century.  The 
United  States  and  Panama  were  the  only  American  re¬ 
publics  (and  two  of  the  six  delegations)  which  voted  in 
favor  of  the  Japanese  proposition,  that  prisoners  of  war 
may  be  deprived  of  maps,  bicycles  and  means  of  trans¬ 
portation  for  military  purposes,  in  addition  to  their  arms, 
horses  and  military  papers. 

Very  much  the  same  story  is  to  be  told  of  Latin 
America’s  participation  in  the  measures  designed  to 
mitigate  the  horrors  of  warfare  on  the  sea,  as  in  the 
case  of  warfare  on  land  and  in  the  air.  The  American 
republics  were  unanimous  (with  the  exception  of  the 
Dominican  Republic)  in  favor  of  prohibiting  the  use 
of  unanchored  automatic  submarine  mines,  unless  con¬ 
structed  in  such  manner  as  to  become  harmless  within 


THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  LATIN  AMERICA  39 


one  hour  after  their  control  has  been  lost ;  they  were 
unanimous  in  favor  of  forbidding  the  use  of  anchored 
mines  which  do  not  become  harmless  as  soon  as  they 
break  their  cables,  the  placing  of  mines  along  the  coasts 
and  in  front  of  the  ports  of  the  enemy  with  the  sole 
purpose  of  intercepting  commerce,  and  the  use  of  tor¬ 
pedoes  which  do  not  become  harmless  when  they  have 
missed  their  aim.  Thus  the  "  small  powers  ”  as  well  as 
the  "  great  power  ”  of  America  refused  to  follow  the 
lead  of  Germany  and  Italy  which  championed  the  view 
of  states  possessing  relatively  small  navies,  that  the  use 
of  mines  and  torpedoes,  those  "  demons  of  the  sea,” 
should  not  be  "unduly”  restricted.  The  credit  of  adapt¬ 
ing  the  Geneva  Convention,  or  the  Red  Cross  rules,  to 
warfare  upon  the  sea,  which  was  one  of  the  most  note¬ 
worthy  achievements  of  the  Conference,  was  shared  in 
unanimously  by  the  American  republics.  Latin  America 
voted  unanimously  for  the  proposition  of  the  United 
States  that  the  bombardment  by  a  naval  force  of  unde¬ 
fended  towns,  villages  or  buildings  should  be  prohibited. 

The  fact  that  Latin  America  failed  to  follow  the  lead 
of  the  United  States  in  its  important  attempt  to  abolish 
the  capture  of  private  property  in  warfare  on  the  sea 
was  due  partly  to  the  failure  of  the  United  States  itself 
to  adhere  to  the  Declaration  of  Paris,  which  prohibits 
privateering,1  but  chiefly  to  the  fear  on  the  part  of  the 
"  small  powers  ”  lest  they  should  be  deprived,  through 


1  One  of  the  Colombian  delegates,  in  allusion  to  this  fact,  contrasted 
the  recent  policy  of  the  United  States  in  building  up  a  large  navy  while 
its  merchant  marine  has  been  dwindling,  with  the  policy  of  a  small  navy 
and  a  large  merchant  marine  which  marked  the  "  good  old  days  when  the 
United  States  was  the  disinterested  defender  of  the  principles  of  justice 
and  humanity.” 


40 


TIIE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


the  proposed  abolition,  of  an  important  means  of  pre¬ 
venting  a  "large  power"  from  declaring  war  against 
them,  or  of  harassing  it  in  case  war  should  occur.  This 
question  will  doubtless  be  settled  at  the  third  Confer¬ 
ence,  and  it  may  safely  be  prophesied  that  Latin  America, 
under  the  leadership  of  the  United  States  and  Brazil, 
will  join  the  rest  of  the  world  in  abolishing  from  naval 
warfare  both  privateering  and  all  capture  of  private 
property. 

Meanwhile  Latin  America  has  joined  unanimously 
with  the  Old  World  in  the  agreement  to  give  merchant 
vessels  due  warning  and  fair  play  at  the  opening  of 
hostilities,  the  United  States  standing  alone  on  this 
question,  for  the  reason  that  it  is  unwilling  to  accept 
any  compromise  short  of  the  entire  exemption  of  pri¬ 
vate  property  from  capture. 

Great  Britain’s  epoch-making  proposal  to  abolish  the 
capture  of  contraband  of  war  found  on  neutral  vessels  was 
supported  unanimously  by  the  American  republics,  with 
the  exception  of  the  United  States,  which  voted  against 
it,  and  of  Panama,  which  abstained  from  voting  at  all. 

On  those  questions  of  neutral  rights  and  duties  which 
the  Conference  considered,  we  find  approximate  unanim¬ 
ity  between  the  United  States  and  Latin  America;  and 
in  the  main  the  New  World  participated  unanimously 
in  that  great  achievement  of  the  Conference  by  which 
the  rights  of  neutrals  were  vigorously  asserted  and  care¬ 
fully  protected  against  the  devastations  and  the  over¬ 
weening  demands  of  nations  at  war  with  each  other. 

When  we  leave  the  subject  of  the  restriction  of  the  evils 
of  warfare,  and  take  up  those  measures  for  the  preven¬ 
tion  of  warfare  which  have  made  the  Hague  Conferences 


TIIE  UNITED  STATES  AND  LATIN  AMERICA  41 


forever  illustrious,  we  find  that  Latin  America  did  much 
that  is  worthy  of  praise  and  some  things  that  have  caused 
her  to  be  bitterly  censured.  Whether  this  censure,  in  its 
bitterness  or  volume,  is  deserved,  let  a  candid  study  of 
the  facts  reveal. 

The  proposition  of  the  United  States  for  the  world 
treaty  of  obligatory  arbitration  embracing  all  disputes 
with  the  exception  of  those  affecting  "  vital  interests, 
independence  and  honor  ”  was  championed  by  Argen¬ 
tina,  Brazil,  Chile,  Mexico,  Peru  and  Uruguay;  and  the 
support  that  came  from  Latin  America  to  the  Anglo- 
Portuguese  proposition  for  a  world  treaty  of  obligatory 
arbitration  embracing  as  many  as  possible  specified  classes 
of  disputes  was  quite  as  pronounced  as  any  that  came 
from  the  rest  of  the  civilized  world.  Among  the  ad¬ 
dresses  delivered  in  support  of  obligatory  arbitration, 
those  of  Ambassador  Choate  and  Dr.  Drago  rank  with 
the  most  convincing.  When,  at  the  end  of  the  long  dis¬ 
cussion,  the  Conference  adopted  a  resolution  expressing 
its  acceptance  of  obligatory  arbitration  "  in  principle,” 
and  the  United  States  delegation  refused  to  vote  for  the 
resolution  as  a  surrender  of  the  advanced  position  which 
a  majority  had  occupied  during  the  debate,  the  delegation 
from  Haiti  shared  its  sentiments  and  its  place  of  distin¬ 
guished  isolation  in  a  minority  of  two. 

The  effort  of  the  first  Conference  to  facilitate  a  resort 
to  voluntary  arbitration  was  re-enforced  in  the  second 
Conference  by  a  proposition  made  by  Peru  and  adopted 
by  unanimous  vote,  except  for  the  abstentions  of  Japan 
and  Turkey.  This  proposition  was  that  one  of  two 
powers  in  dispute,  instead  of  taking  the  often  difficult 
step  of  proposing  arbitration  to  its  opponent,  should 


42 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


merely  notify  the  International  Bureau  at  The  Hague 
of  its  willingness  to  arbitrate  the  dispute,  and  that  the 
Bureau  should  then  bring  the  arbitration  to  pass.  Am¬ 
bassador  Choate  warmly  supported  Peru’s  proposition, 
and  in  the  course  of  his  address  remarked,  "No  one, 
doubtless,  has  forgotten  how  a  happy  application  of  its 
principle  has  succeeded  several  times  in  preventing  wars 
which  threatened  to  break  out  between  several  South 
American  states,  or  in  shortening  such  wars." 

The  great  American  triumph  of  securing  the  adop¬ 
tion  of  the  Porter  proposition,  which  obligates  a  resort 
to  arbitration  in  the  collection  of  contractual  indebted¬ 
ness  before  a  resort  to  force  is  permissible,  was  made 
possible  to  its  champion,  the  United  States,  only  through 
the  truly  generous  support  of  Latin  America.  When  it 
is  remembered  that  for  years  before  the  Conference  as¬ 
sembled,  the  rival  Drago  doctrine,  which  goes  further 
than  the  Porter  proposition  in  the  prohibition  of  force, 
had  been  ably  and  eloquently  expounded  by  the  learned 
jurist  of  Argentina,  and  had  been  very  widely  accepted 
throughout  Latin  America ;  and  when  it  is  remembered 
that  Latin  America  had  come  to  the  Conference  almost 
as  a  unit  in  the  determination  to  secure  the  adoption  of 
the  Drago  doctrine,  the  generosity  and  importance  of  its 
support  of  the  Porter  proposition  may  be  better  appreci¬ 
ated.  Of  the  Latin  American  delegations  Venezuela’s 
was  the  only  one  which  did  not  vote  for  it,  but  abstained 
from  voting  at  all ;  nine  of  them,  however,  while  accept¬ 
ing  the  Porter  proposition  as  far  as  it  goes,  still  adhered 
to  the  Drago  doctrine  as  their  ideal  to  be  realized  in  the 
future.  Brazil’s  first  delegate,  M.  Barbosa,  supported 
the  Porter  proposition  and  rejected  the  Drago  doctrine, 


TIIE  UNITED  STATES  AND  LATIN  AMERICA  43 


and  in  the  course  of  a  long  address  made  a  noteworthy 
contribution  to  the  science  of  government  in  the  form  of 
a  keen  and  learned  critique  of  that  feature  of  the  United 
States  Constitution  which  shields  the  "  sovereignty  ”  of 
a  state  against  a  suit  being  instituted  agamst  it  without 
its  consent. 

The  establishment  of  an  International  Prize  Court  is 
generally  considered  one  of  the  best  achievements  of  the 
Conference,  and  this  court,  proposed  by  Germany  and 
constructed  largely  from  United  States  materials,  was 
voted  for  by  all  the  American  republics,  with  four  ex¬ 
ceptions  (Brazil,  Dominica,  Nicaragua  and  Venezuela, 
which  abstained  from  voting  at  all).  Of  the  fourteen 
Latin  American  republics  which  voted  for  it,  seven  re¬ 
served  their  consent  to  the  method  provided  for  the 
selection  of  judges.  This  method  of  selection  was  that 
the  eight  large  powers  ”  should  always  be  represented 
on  the  court,  and  that  the  "  other  powers  ”  should  each 
appoint  one  judge  for  a  term  of  six  years  ;  but  that  since 
only  seven  of  the  latter  judges  could  sit  upon  the  bench 
at  the  same  time,  their  term  of  actual  service  would  be 
from  one  to  four  years,  this  term  depending  upon  the 
ranking  of  each  of  the  other  powers.”  M.  Barbosa  of 
Brazil  was  the  able  and  persistent  opponent  of  this 
method  of  choosing  the  judges,  and  he  based  his  oppo¬ 
sition  upon  the  twofold  ground  that  the  ranking  of  the 
powers  was  arbitrary  and  unjust,  and  that  it  violated  the 
principle  of  the  equality  of  sovereign  states.  The  Court 
of  Arbitral  Justice,  which  was  proposed  and  championed 
by  the  United  States,  was  also  vigorously  opposed  by 
M.  Barbosa  for  the  same  reason.  In  the  vote  for  the 
Court  of  Arbitral  Justice  eight  of  the  Latin  American 


44 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


republics  stated  that  they  would  accept  the  court  only 
on  the  basis  of  international  equality. 

M.  Barbosa,  the  leader  of  the  opposition  to  the  prize 
court  and  the  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice,  denied  emphati¬ 
cally  "  the  quarrelsome  humor,  the  political  imbecility, 
and  the  hostility  to  the  United  States,”  which  had  been 
attributed  by  the  newspapers  to  him  and  the  country 
which  he  represented,  and  reminded  the  Conference  of 
the  cordial  support  which  the  Brazilian  delegation  had 
accorded  to  nearly  all  of  the  propositions  made  by  the 
United  States.  His  conscientious,  able  and  statesman¬ 
like  opposition  to  the  two  courts  was  rendered  even 
more  moderate  by  the  ironical  and  cynical  opposition  of 
two  "  small  powers  ”  of  Europe. 

When  a  summary  statement  is  made  of  the  co-operation 
in  the  Conference  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  and 
Latin  America,  it  is  seen  that  the  two  Americas  worked 
together  in  the  solution  of  the  following  fourteen  ques¬ 
tions:  the  program,  the  limitation  of  armaments,  the 
restriction  of  warfare  in  the  air,  the  declaration  of  war, 
belligerents,  prisoners  of  war,  submarine  mines,  naval 
bombardment,  neutral  rights  and  duties,  mediation,  com¬ 
missions  of  inquiry,  the  extension  of  obligatory  arbitra¬ 
tion  by  means  of  a  world  treaty,  and,  most  important  of 
all,  the  adoption  of  the  Porter  proposition  and  the  sum¬ 
mons  of  a  third  Conference.  The  two  Americas  di¬ 
verged  on  the  following  eight  questions :  "  dum-dum  ” 
bullets,  blockade,  contraband,  the  transformation  of  mer¬ 
chant  vessels  into  warships,  the  delay  of  favor,  the  ex¬ 
emption  of  private  property  from  capture  and  the  courts 
of  prize  and  arbitral  justice.  On  the  first  five  questions 
in  the  latter  group  Latin  America  is  in  line  with  the 


THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  LATIN  AMERICA  45 


most  progressive  members  of  the  family  of  nations,  while 
the  United  States  still  lags  behind.  On  the  great  prop¬ 
osition  of  the  United  States  to  exempt  private  property 
from  capture,  four  Latin  American  states  (including 
Argentina)  voted  against  it,  three  (including  Brazil) 
voted  for  it,  and  the  rest  abstained  from  expressing  their 
still  undecided  opinion.  On  the  great  proposition  of 
Germany  for  the  establishment  of  the  prize  court,  four¬ 
teen  of  the  Latin  American  states  voted  with  the  United 
States  for  it,  seven  of  these  reserving  their  acceptance 
of  the  plan  of  selecting  the  judges.  And  on  the  great 
proposition  of  the  United  States  for  the  establishment 
of  a  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice,  eight  of  the  Latin  Amer¬ 
ican  states  voted  in  favor  of  it  on  condition  that  some 
plan  shall  be  found  for  conserving  in  it  the  principle  of 
the  equality  of  states. 

In  view  of  these  facts,  there  is  no  question  that  Latin 
America  has  deserved  well  of  our  republic.  With  her 
continental  domain  and  unmeasured  resources  her  future 

is  capable  of  being  wholly  worthy  of  the  New  World. 

/ 

For  the  present  our  gratitude  and  our  patience  are  alone 
justifiable  —  our  gratitude  for  what  she  has  done  to  aid 
the  new  internationalism  of  our  time ;  our  patience  with 
her  present  attitude  toward  a  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice. 
Meanwhile  let  us  fervently  hope  and  strive  that  our 
own  republic  shall  advance  steadily  and  surely  toward 
certain  standards  of  international  ethics  which  are  still 
some  distance  ahead  of  us. 


IV 


ONE  PERIL  OF  THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 

When  a  ship  which  has  traversed  an  uncharted  ocean 
is  finishing  her  voyage  and  entering  some  unknown  port, 
it  behooves  her  captain,  pilot  and  crew  to  be  especially 
watchful  lest  at  any  moment  she  strike  her  prow  upon 
some  hidden  reef.  So  it  is  with  the  Peace  Movement 
of  our  time.  Its  advocates  have  seen  it  sail  so  swiftly, 
within  the  past  dozen  years,  over  such  notable  leagues  of 
progress  that  its  haven  already  looms  ahead  and  the 
lower  lights  are  seen  upon  the  shore.  But  between  its 
present  position  and  its  promised  haven  there  lie  perils 
which  must  be  avoided  if  the  voyage  is  not  to  end  in 
shipwreck  or  be  deflected  far  down  the  coast  or  back  to 
sea.  Eternal  vigilance  must  ever  be  the  price  of  genuine 
and  lasting  success. 

The  peril  of  the  Peace  Movement  which  it  is  the  design 
of  this  brief  paper  to  emphasize  is  the  strong  and  growing 
desire  to  throw  overboard  the  principle  of  the  equality  of 
sovereign  states.  This  principle  has  been  regarded  as  an 
essential  plank  in  the  ship  which  has  borne  the  family 
of  nations  from  the  "  De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis  ”  of  Hugo 
Grotius  to  the  Second  Conference  at  The  Hague. 

It  is  quite  easy  to  understand  why  there  should  be  at 
the  present  time  an  especially  strong  demand  that  this 
■  principle,  hitherto  cherished  by  all  the  world  and  re¬ 
garded  as  fundamental  in  international  relations,  should 

46 


ONE  PERIL  OF  THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT  47 

now  be  discarded.  When  it  is  seen,  for  example,  that 
some  of  the  "  great  powers  "  are  earnest  advocates  of  a 
world  treaty  of  obligatory  arbitration  and  of  the  Court 
of  Arbitral  Justice,  and  that  these  two  great  steps  are 
blocked  at  the  Hague  Conference  and  afterward  by  an 
adherence  to  the  principle  of  the  equality  of  sovereign 
states,  it  is  entirely  explicable  that  the  advocates  of 
these  measures,  especially  if  they  happen  to  be  citizens  of 
the  "great  powers,"  should  grow  impatient  with  the  Old 
World  principle  noted,  and  denounce  it  as  henceforth  a 
rule  in  international  relations. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  entirely  natural  that  the 
"  small  powers  "  and  the  "  great-power  "  opponents  of 
the  two  measures  should  combat  this  impatience  and 
denunciation  and  call  to  the  support  of  this  almost  world- 
old  principle  all  the  reasoned  common  sense  of  the  in¬ 
ternational  law  of  the  past,  as  well  as  the  danger  of 
incurring  evils  we  know  not  of  by  departing  from  it  in 
the  future. 

To  the  student  of  American  history  this  international 
controversy  recalls  vividly  the  controversy  which  raged 
on  the  eve  of  the  formation  of  our  republic,  and  which, 
until  it  was  allayed  by  a  happy  compromise,  threatened 
to  dissolve  the  Constitutional  Convention  and  to  dissi¬ 
pate  all  hopes  of  forming  the  Union.  In  the  arguments 
of  those  Americans,  Britons  and  Frenchmen  who  are  now 
urging  the  repudiation  of  the  principle  of  the  equality 
of  sovereign  states,  in  the  interest  of  progress,  we  hear 
echoes  of  the  Virginia,  Massachusetts  and  Pennsylvania 
arguments  for  "  representation  according  to  population  "  ; 
in  the  arguments  of  those  Latin  Americans,  Central 
Europeans  and  Balkan  peoples  who  are  now  defending 


48 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


the  equality  of  sovereign  states,  in  the  interest  of  present 
legal  status  and  historic  right,  we  hear  echoes  of  the 
Maryland,  New  Jersey  and  Delaware  arguments  for  the 
"  equal  representation  of  states.”  The  Connecticut  Com¬ 
promise  solved  the  problem  for  America  and  enabled  our 
Union  to  be  born.  A  new  ”  Connecticut  Compromise  ”  is 
clearly  needed  to  solve  this  international  problem  of  to¬ 
day.  Without  it  no  permanently  peaceful  and  successful 
union  was  possible  for  us  in  1787 ;  without  it  no  per¬ 
manently  peaceful  and  successful  arbitral  court  and 
jurisdiction  are  possible  for  the  world  to-day. 

The  Constitution  of  1787  provided  for  the  inaugura¬ 
tion  of  the  Union  on  the  adoption  of  it  by  nine  of  the 
thirteen  states;  but  the  Union  was  not  entered  upon 
until  eleven  states  had  adopted  it,  nor  did  it  seem  en¬ 
tirely  assured  until  little  Rhode  Island  had  entered  it. 
To  override  the  objections  of  the  "  small  powers  ”  to-day, 
or  to  forge  ahead  regardless  of  them,  will  not  result  in 
permanent  triumph  for  the  peace  cause.  Adequate  pro¬ 
vision  must  be  made  by  which  they  may  adhere  volun¬ 
tarily  in  the  future  to  the  new  court  and  its  jurisdiction. 
And  much  more  than  this  :  The  night  of  partial  alliances 
is  passing ;  the  day  of  approximate  unanimity  of  the 
family  of  nations  in  conference  at  The  Hague  has 
dawned.  The  permanent  steps  of  international  progress 
must  be  taken  within  the  Conference,  or  the  Conference 
itself  will  come  to  an  end  through  the  refusal  of  states 
to  participate  in  it,  and  those  measures  decided  upon 
outside  of  it  will  be  constantly  caballed  against  and  will 
give  rise  to  hostile  alliances  of  malcontents  both  within 
and  without  the  agreement. 

An  upper  house  of  the  Hague  Conference  must  be 


ONE  PERIL  OF  THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT  49 


formed,  based  upon  the  equality  of  sovereign  states,  but 
amenable,  as  is  the  United  States  Senate,  to  the  will  of 
the  peoples ;  a  lower  house  of  the  Hague  Conference 
must  be  formed,  based  upon  direct  representation  of  the 
peoples.  Whether  this  direct  representation  shall  be 
according  to  population,  to  foreign  commerce,  to  merchant 
marine  or  to  "  power,”  some  new  Ellsworth,  Sherman 
or  Madison  must  convince  us.  But  its  solution  must  be 
found,  if  the  union  auspiciously  begun  at  The  Hague  shall 
develop  —  like  the  union  of  1789  out  of  the  Continental 
Congress  —  into  a  genuine  and  helpful  international 
union ;  and  when  found,  it  will  promote  both  the  swift 
and  the  permanent  establishment  of  international  peace. 

Meanwhile  the  "  world  ”  view  must  triumph  in  the 
councils  of  the  nations,  as  the  "  continental  ”  view  tri¬ 
umphed  in  the  councils  of  our  fathers ;  successful  world 
measures  must  be  agreed  upon  in  an  assembly  of  all 
the  nations,  with  due  regard  to  the  equality  of  sovereign 
states,  just  as  our  great  steps  of  national  progress  have 
been  taken  in  a  national  assembly  with  due  regard  to  the 
equality  of  the  constituent  states.  Of  course  the  day  may 
come  when  all  the  "  little  fellows  ”  may  coalesce,  as  in 
the  case  of  the  Latin  American  and  Balkan  peoples,  and 
when  the  family  of  nations  may  consist  of  a  dozen  "  great 
powers  ”  only.  But  that  time  is  not  yet ;  and  even  when 
it  does  come,  there  will  still  be  need,  unless  absolute 
uniformity  shall  have  been  attained  among  the  dozen 
"great  powers,”  for  the  "international  Connecticut  com¬ 
promise”  which  is  so  sorely  needed  at  the  present  time. 


Y 


THE  ABOLITION  OF  TRIAL  BY  BATTLE1 

When  Clio,  the  muse  of  history,  shall  take  np  her 
pen  to  record  the  story  of  the  new  Peace  Movement 
which  is  the  glory  of  our  twentieth  century,  she  will 
write  that  this  story,  like  that  of  the  development  of  law 
within  nations,  is  a  story  of  the  substitution  of  organized 
reason  and  right  for  anarchic  violence  and  might.  Her 
eyes,  farther-seeing  than  ours,  will  discern  a  series  of  re¬ 
markable  resemblances  between  the  abolition  of  trial  by 
battle  and  the  substitution  of  law  within  nations,  and 
the  abolition  of  trial  by  battle  and  the  substitution  of 
law  between  nations.  Even  now,  in  the  midst  of  this 
evolution,  complex  and  of  absorbing  interest  as  it  is, 
we  may  discern  a  number  of  those  resemblances ;  and 
since  we  have  no  surer  light  for  the  pathway  of  the 
future  than  that  which  shines  from  the  lamp  of  experi¬ 
ence  in  the  past,  it  will  be  the  attempt  of  this  brief 
paper  to  signalize  some  of  them.  May  they,  like  light¬ 
houses  along  some  rockbound  coast,  send  forth  their 
beams  to  guide  and  cheer  the  mariners  on  the  world’s 
ships  of  state  who  are  voyaging  in  search  of  assured 
international  peace  and  justice  ! 

1.  Those  French  philosophers  of  the  eighteenth  cen¬ 
tury  who  sought  to  prove  that  mankind’s  golden  age 
lies  in  remote  antiquity  were  grievously  mistaken.  All 

1  Address  at  the  Third  National  Peace  Congress,  Baltimore,  1911. 

50 


THE  ABOLITION  OF  TRIAL  BY  BATTLE  51 


history  and  all  science  are  against  this  assumption,  and 
show  us  that  man’s  true  golden  age  is  with  us  now  and 
stretches  on  before  us  to  the  illimitable  horizon  of  human 
progress.  Early  man  lived  a  miserable,  fearful  and  bru¬ 
tish  life.  Faustrecht ,  fist  law,  the  law  of  the  strong  arm 
and  the  big  stick,  ruled  in  the  affairs  of  men.  This  was 
true  of  our  Teutonic  ancestors  when  history  first  dawns 
upon  them  in  their  forest  homes  in  Germany.  Their 
fount  of  justice  was  the  judgment  and  deed  of  each  indi¬ 
vidual  ;  every  freeman  or  free-necked  man,  "  whose  long 
hair  floated  over  a  neck  that  had  never  bent  to  a  lord,” 
was  the  "  weaponed  man,”  and  he  possessed  the  right  of 
private  war  and  exercised  that  right  in  the  avenging  of 
his  wrongs. 

The  nations  of  the  earth,  until  quite  recent  times, 
were  like  primitive  men  in  their  relations  with  each 
other.  Every  free  and  independent  nation,  which  had 
never  abdicated  its  sovereignty  to  an  international  court, 
which  girt  itself  round  with  armaments  on  land  and  sea, 
possessed  the  equal  right  of  doing  battle  with  its  neigh¬ 
bors  and,  rejecting  the  wisdom  and  justice  of  mere  man, 
appealed  to  the  justice  of  Mars  or  Odin  for  the  settle¬ 
ment  of  its  differences. 

2.  When  human  life  became  valuable  to  some  one 
else  than  its  possessor,  the  right  of  private  warfare  to 
the  death  was  restricted  by  the  law  of  retaliation  (lex 
talionis ),  which  permitted  only  ”  an  eye  for  an  eye  and 
a  tooth  for  a  tooth,”  and  thus  stopped  the  course  of  the 
blood  feud  this  side  of  death. 

It  is  rare  for  a  victorious  nation  to  exact  as  the  spoils  of 
a  successful  war  only  those  territories,  goods  or  chattels 
which  served  as  the  original  cause  of  the  war,  or  to  take 


52 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


from  the  vanquished  only  that  which  the  victor  claimed 
it  had  lost.  But  in  the  eighteenth  century  the  theory  of 
the  balance  of  power  arose  to  prevent  the  utter  annihi¬ 
lation  of  the  vanquished  state ;  and  through  the  processes 
known  as  retortion,  reprisal  and  pacific  blockade,  inter¬ 
national  law  has  sought  to  modify  the  blood  feud  between 
nations  by  a  species  of  international  lex  talionis. 

3.  In  primitive  times,  when  blood  relationship  was  the 
basis  of  state  and  church  and  social  life,  every  outrage 
was  held  to  have  been  done  by  all  who  were  linked  by 
blood  to  the  doer  of  it,  and  every  crime  by  all  who  were 
related  to  its  victim.  Hence  entire  communities  and 
successive  generations  were  involved  in  the  common  ruin 
resulting  from  the  evil  deed  of  a  single  doer.  When  the 
territorial  tie  superseded  that  of  kinship  in  Anglo-Saxon 
England,  the  custom  of  frankpledge,  or  Frithborh ,  en¬ 
forced  collective  responsibility  for  the  crimes  committed 
by  an  individual. 

Modern  governments  in  -their  strife  with  each  other 
have  appealed  to  the  tie  of  common  citizenship  and 
summoned  forth  the  workers  from  countinghouse,  field 
and  workshop,  to  be  offered  up  as  "food  for  powder”  in 
many  a  valley  of  death,  where  it  was  not  theirs  to  reason 
why,  theirs  but  to  do  and  die,  in  a  quarrel  not  of  their 
own  making,  but  the  result  of  another’s  crime  or  blunder. 

4.  When  the  family  grew  into  a  tribe,  responsibility 
for  crime  and  its  punishment  was  taken  out  of  the  hands 
of  the  family,  as  family  responsibility  had  superseded 
that  of  the  individual,  and  the  tribal  law  replaced  in 
theory  both  family  feud  and  private  warfare.  The  lives 
and  limbs  of  warriors  became  too  valuable  in  intertribal 
warfare  to  be  wasted  in  strife  within  the  tribe ;  hence 


THE  ABOLITION  OF  TRIAL  BY  BATTLE 


53 


a  system  of  money  compensation,  instead  of  death  and 
retaliation,  Avas  enforced  as  the  punishment  of  crime 
within  the  tribe.  A  tribal  code  of  morality  arose,  which 
taught  that,  while  fraud  and  violence  were  legitimate 
and  praiseworthy  weapons  against  other  tribesmen,  hon¬ 
esty  and  justice  should  be  practiced  toward  one’s  fellows. 

Modern  nations  advanced  to  the  stage  of  compensation 
and  tribal  morality  in  their  dealings  with  each  other,  and 
agreed  that,  while  money  damages  should  be  offered  to 
some  nations,  and  treaties  of  arbitration  and  arbitral 
courts  should  be  entered  into  with  those  same  nations, 
"  defiance  fell  and  bloody  war  ’’  were  alone  possible  or 
desirable  with  others. 

5.  When  the  tribe  grew  into  the  nation,  under  the 
growing  influence  of  mutual  interests,  it  came  to  be 
recognized  that  a  wrong  done  to  an  individual  was  some¬ 
thing  in  which  the  entire  community  had  a  common 
interest,  and  was  really  a  crime  committed  against  the 
state.  The  king’s  peace  and,  with  the  growth  of  democ¬ 
racy,  the  peace  of  the  commonwealth  became  a  reality 
which  was  not  to  be  broken  with  impunity  by  individ¬ 
ual’s  attack  upon  individual,  or  even  by  an  individual’s 
or  family’s  attempt  to  punish  such  attack.  Public 
"  guardians  of  the  peace  ”  were  appointed  to  preserve 
the  peace  which  was  the  public’s  due,  and  the  public 
itself  punished  or  redressed  private  wrongs. 

With  a  growing  perception  of  the  solidarity  of  nations, 
and  a  realization  that  benefits  and  injuries  experienced 
by  one  member  of  the  family  of  nations  are  shared  in 
common  by  the  others,  there  is  a  growing  belief  that  the 
true  motto  for  international  relations  should  be  "All  for 
each,  and  each  for  all.’’  Already  the  ban  of  international 


54 


TIIE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


law  has  been  placed  on  treaties  which  promise  interven¬ 
tion  on  the  part  of  one  state  in  the  domestic  difficulties 
of  another ;  and  treaties  of  offensive  and  defensive  alli¬ 
ance  which  couple  the  nations  together  to  give  chase  in 
pairs  or  triplets  against  the  "enemy”  are  being  denounced 
by  twentieth-century  Washingtons,  who  condemn  such 
entangling  alliances  on  grounds  both  of  national  welfare 
and  of  international  solidarity. 

6.  The  evolution  from  the  individual’s  right  to  avenge 
his  wrongs  by  his  own  right  arm  to  the  duty  of  the  state 
to  preserve  the  peace  and  administer  justice  by  peaceful 
means  was  long  and  slow,  for  the  old  freeman’s  fist  law 
was  hard  to  down.  The  state  compromised  with  it,  ad¬ 
mitted  it  in  certain  cases,  threw  formalities  around  it,  and 
dignified  it  with  the  name  of  "  trial  ”  by  battle.  When 
their  crude  means  of  securing  evidence  had  been  used 
without  avail,  the  medieval  men,  in  despair  of  reaching 
a  practical  conclusion  by  judicial  means,  reverted  to  the 
barbarism  which  lay  just  beneath  their  skins  and  resorted 
to  the  primitive  law  of  force.  This  descent  was  softened 
by  the  sophistry  which  underlay  the  ordeals  of  fire  and 
water,  namely,  that  God  would  intervene  and  send  vic¬ 
tory  in  the  combat  to  perch  upon  the  banner  of  the 
innocent.  In  the  Edict  of  Gundobald  of  Burgundy, 
which  established  trial  by  battle  among  the  Burgundians 
in  501  A.D.,  this  philosophy  was  implied  in  the  ques¬ 
tions  :  Is  it  not  true  that  the  event  both  of  national 
wars  and  of  private  combats  is  directed  by  the  judgment 
of  God  ?  And  does  not  Providence  award  the  victory 
to  the  j uster  cause  ?  ” 

Even  ecclesiastical  courts  preferred  this  appeal  to 
Mars  rather  than  one  to  the  Prince  of  Peace,  and  clung 


THE  ABOLITION  OE  TRIAL  BY  BATTLE  55 


to  their  right  of  trial  by  battle.  In  a  monastic  charter 
of  1008  A.D.  we  find  the  words,  "We  give  to  God  and 
St.  Denis  the  law  of  the  duel."  About  the  same  time,  in 
Spain,  two  knightly  champions  fought  out  for  their 
clerical  clients  the  question  as  to  which  of  two  rituals  was 
acceptable  to  God.  Two  and  a  half  centuries  later, 
when  St.  Louis  prohibited  trial  by  battle  within  his  do¬ 
mains,  the  prior  of  one  of  his  own  monasteries  protested 
against  this  violation  of  vested  interests. 

This  convenient  device  and  its  plausible  justification 
were  applied  in  the  relations  between  nations,  and  are 
only  now  being  effectually  ousted  in  theory  and  practice. 
When  the  Albigensian  Crusaders  stood  before  the  walls 
of  Beziers  in  the  first  half  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
their  ecclesiastical  leader  urged  them  to  the  slaughter  of 
the  heretics  with  the  words,  "Slay  on,  slay  on!  God  will 
know  his  own."  At  the  siege  of  Damascus,  during  the 
Second  Crusade  against  the  Saracens,  a  lofty  crucifix 
was  erected  at  the  principal  gate  of  the  city,  and  the 
bishop,  attended  by  his  clergy,  laid  a  copy  of  the  New 
Testament  before  the  image  of  Jesus  Christ  and  prayed 
that  the  Son  of  God  would  defend  his  servants  and 
vindicate  his  truth.  When  the  Holy  Sepulcher  was  con¬ 
quered  amidst  streams  of  human  blood,  and  the  king¬ 
dom  of  Jerusalem  established,  trial  by  battle  became  one 
of  the  corner  stones  of  its  system  of  "justice."  Six  cen¬ 
turies  later  Sir  William  Blackstone,  the  great  historian 
of  English  jurisprudence,  declared  that  "war  is  an 
appeal  to  the  God  of  hosts  to  punish  such  infractions 
of  public  faith  as  are  committed  by  one  independent 
people  against  another.”  In  the  next  century  Prince 
Bismarck  declared  repeatedly  his  belief  in  a  God  of 


56 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


battles  who  decides  international  disputes  by  "casting 
his  iron  dice";  and  down  into  this  twentieth  century  of 
enlightenment  even  civilized  nations  have  acted  on  the 
dictum  of  that  old  berserker  who  declared  that  "it  is 
much  fitter  to  contend  with  swords  than  with  words."  The 
efficacy  of  the  ballot  has  not  yet  destroyed  the  nations’ 
reliance  upon  the  bullet;  courts  must  still  struggle  for 
survival  with  the  cutlass;  and  International  Justice 
must  still  sometimes  be  portrayed  as  grasping  the  sword 
without  the  bandage  or  the  scales. 

There  are  those  who,  still  championing  "  the  right 
divine  of  kings  to  govern  wrong,"  are  champions  still 
of  the  divine  right  of  war  to  perpetuate  the  wrong. 
General  von  Deimling  of  Germany,  for  example,  is  re¬ 
ported  recently  to  have  said:  "  Perpetual  peace  and  the 
movement  in  favor  of  its  establishment  constitute  a 
genuine  danger.  Nobody  fights  now  for  the  pleasure  of 
fighting,  but  for  honor’s  sake.  When  an  affair  of  honor 
has  to  be  settled,  it  is  the  sword  in  the  last  analysis 
which  must  decide  the  matter.  We  must  therefore 
oppose  the  idea  of  peace,  for  it  is  a  thing  that  would 
enervate  the  nations."  From  the  land  of  Ambassador 
Bryce  and  Sir  Edward  Grey  has  lately  come  the  strangely 
discordant  berserker  wail:  "It  is  still  true,  as  it  was  a 
century  ago,  that,  take  it  all  in  all,  a  ship  of  the  line  is  the 
most  honorable  thing  which  man  as  a  gregarious  animal 
has  produced."  Truly  some  twentieth-century  Cervantes 
is  sorely  needed  to  launch  a  new  "Don  Quixote,"  with  its 
all-conquering  laughter,  against  the  outworn  chivalry  of 
barbarous  days  which  has  revived  in  these  grotesque 
forms  of  barrack  philosophy  and  "  dreadnoughtitis." 

Sir  William  Blackstone’s  excuse  for  his  definition  of 


THE  ABOLITION  OF  TRIAL  BY  BATTLE 


57 


war  was  much  like  the  medieval  man’s  justification  of 
trial  by  battle,  namely,  that  "  neither  state  has  any  supe¬ 
rior  jurisdiction  to  resort  to  upon  earth  for  justice.”  But 
now,  thank  God,  since  the  First  Hague  Conference  that 
lamentable  fact  is  no  longer  true,  and  international  jus¬ 
tice  is  moving  rapidly  along  the  same  path  which  enabled 
national  justice  to  abolish  trial  by  battle  between  indi¬ 
vidual  citizens. 

7.  In  the  early  administration  of  trial  by  battle  within 
the  nation  the  two  parties  to  a  dispute  were  them¬ 
selves  called  to  the  combat,  the  theory  in  its  logical 
conclusion  being  that  neither  weakness  nor  age  could 
count  against  the  innocent  since  God  was  on  their  side. 
But  gradually  the  custom  of  securing  champions  for  the 
feeble  arose  and  developed  into  the  shameless  employ¬ 
ment  of  professional  pugilists  from  men  who  made  a 
profession  of  letting  them  out  for  hire.  To  the  victor 
went  the  spoils  of  the  vanquished ;  hence  these  cham¬ 
pions  went  abroad  in  quest  of  combats  which  would 
bring  them  fortune  as  well  as  fame. 

In  the  international  administration  of  trial  by  battle 
it  has  been  by  no  means  unusual  for  a  standing  army 
of  professional  soldiers  to  take  the  place  of  volunteer 
"  defenders  of  the  right,”  and  even  for  mercenary  troops 
from  foreign  lands,  such  as  the  free  lances  in  European 
wars  and  the  Hessians  in  our  own  Revolution,  to  be 
brought  in  to  sustain  a  declining  faith  in  the  inter¬ 
vening  justice  of  the  God  of  battles.  It  would  seem, 
too,  that  the  present  eager  competition  in  the  building 
of  dreadnoughts  and  super-dreadnoughts  is  in  line  with 
reliance  upon  sturdy  champions  rather  than  on  the  justice 
of  one’s  cause,  and  is  indeed  a  practical  application  of 


58 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


the  familiar  though  not  all  too  trustful  motto,  "  Trust 
in  Goci  but  keep  your  powder  dry.” 

8.  To  our  English  ancestors  of  the  eleventh  and 
twelfth  centuries,  however,  there  was  something  alien 
and  dangerous  in  the  favorite  Norman  device  of  trial  by 
battle.  It  is  probable  that  their  Teutonic  ancestors  had 
used  it,  but  the  Church  and  advancing  civilization  had 
abolished  it  in  England  ;  and  when  the  N orman  conquest 
introduced  it,  they  denounced  it  as  a  barbarous  foreign 
custom  devised  for  the  purposes  of  tyranny.  William  I, 
to  conciliate  the  English,  permitted  them  to  decline  trial 
by  battle  and  choose  an  ordeal  of  fire  or  water ;  and  he 
and  his  successors  hedged  in  the  judicial  combat  by  so 
many  rules  and  formalities  that  it  required  an  able- 
minded  as  well  as  an  able-bodied  man  to  appeal  to  it 
successfully. 

When  the  Hague  Conferences  restricted  warfare  on 
land  and  sea  by  a  great  code  of  regulations,  thus  "  canal¬ 
izing  ”  the  activities  of  belligerents  in  defense  of  peaceful 
neutrals,  a  great  cry  of  indignation  went  up  from  the 
military  and  naval  delegates  that  in  future  wars  they 
would  be  so  cribbed,  cabined  and  confined  by  rules  and 
regulations  that  they  would  have  left  but  little  space  or 
time  in  which  to  fight.  It  is  instructive  also  to  note  that 
when  the  Second  Hague  Conference  provided  that  no 
future  wars  should  begin  without  a  previous  declaration 
of  war,  a  Chinese  delegate  arose  and  blandly  inquired 
what  would  happen  in  case  the  nation  against  whom  the 
declaration  had  been  launched  should  refuse  to  accept 
the  challenge.  Of  course  his  inquiry  was  greeted  by 
inextinguishable  laughter ;  but  that  Chinaman  not  only 
recalled  the  concession  which  the  English  exacted  from 


TIIE  ABOLITION  OF  TRIAL  BY  BATTLE 


59 


William  the  Conqueror,  but  he  became  the  prophet  of 
the  future  when  war  drums  throb  no  longer  and  battle 
flags  are  furled  in  the  jury  box  of  nations,  the  tribunal 
of  the  world. 

9.  The  Conqueror’s  successors  did  not  continue  to 
grant  to  all  their  English  subjects  exemption  from  trial 
by  battle ;  but  the  growth  of  peaceful  industry  within 
the  towi^  brought  with  it  increasing  wealth  and  political 
power,  and  during  the  twelfth  century  they  purchased 
from  their  Norman  lords  the  coveted  exemption  from 
trial  by  battle  and  decided  their  disputes  by  means  of 
the  old  English  trial  by  oath  or  compurgation. 

The  marvelous  growth  of  economic  internationalism, 
with  its  commercial,  financial  and  industrial  ties  that 
bind  the  world  together,  has  caused  international  trial 
by  battle  to  be  increasingly  frowned  upon  in  our  modern 
time,  and  has  given  great  impulse  to  mediation  and  in¬ 
ternational  commissions  of  inquiry,  which  may  be  re¬ 
garded  as  the  Hague  Conferences’  equivalents  for  the 
old  compurgation. 

10.  The  rural  tenants  of  the  Norman  lords  looked  with 
longing  eyes  upon  the  exemption  from  trial  by  battle 
which  had  been  won  by  their  English  fellows  within  the 
city  walls.  At  last  a  farmer  by  the  name  of  Rebel  was 
subjected  to  trial  by  battle,  and  although  notoriously 
guiltless  of  the  crime  with  which  he  was  charged,  the 
combat  went  against  him  and  he  was  hanged  just  outside 
the  gate  of  St.  Edmundsbury.  The  taunts  of  the  towns¬ 
men  looking  on  from  the  walls  aroused  the  victim’s 
fellow  farmers  to  a  realizing  sense  of  their  condition. 
"  Had  Rebel  been  a  dweller  within  the  borough,”  said 
the  burgesses,  "  he  would  have  got  his  acquittal  from  the 


60 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


oaths  of  his  neighbors,  as  our  liberty  is.”  Thereupon  the 
farmers  demanded  the  same  liberty  and  received  it  from 
their  lord,  the  abbot ;  and  all  the  farmers  throughout 
England  slowly  followed  their  example. 

We  have  seen  in  our  own  day  how,  when  nineteen 
members  of  the  family  of  nations,  indifferently  absent 
from  the  Hague  Conference  of  1899,  were  given  the 
chance  to  attend  the  Conference  of  1907,  they  eagerly 
adhered  to  its  "  liberty  ”  of  avoiding  trial  by  battle.  We 
have  seen  also  how  infectious  has  been  the  fever  of  nego¬ 
tiating  treaties  of  arbitration,  one  hundred  thirty-three  of 
these  pacific  agencies  for  settling  disputes  having  been 
agreed  upon  since  1899 1;  and  we  have  seen  how,  within 
nine  years,  nine  cases  have  been  settled  by  the  Perma¬ 
nent  Court  of  Arbitration  established  at  The  Hague  — 
Great  Britain,  Germany,  France,  Italy,  Japan,  Norway, 
Sweden,  Mexico,  Guatemala  and  Venezuela  having  fol¬ 
lowed  the  beneficent  example  of  our  own  republic  in 
submitting  disputes  to  that  more  than  imperial  tribunal.2 

11.  The  Norman  lords  continued  for  a  time  with 

* 

"  sword  and  lance  to  arbitrate  the  swelling  difference 
of  their  settled  hate  ”  ;  but  gradually  the  kings  began  to 
"  hate  the  dire  aspect  of  civil  wounds  ploughed  up  with 
neighbors’  swords,”  and  greatly  reduced  the  Norman 
custom  of  trial  by  battle,  lest  it  should  "  wake  our  peace, 
which  in  our  country’s  cradle  draws  the  sweet  infant 
breath  of  gentle  sleep.”  It  was  retained  for  certain 

1  Written  in  1911.  The  number  of  arbitration  treaties  in  force  between 
pairs  of  nations  on  July  1,  1912,  was  154,  while  since  1899  some  163  had 
been  negotiated.  Nine  had  been  superseded  in  the  thirteen  years. 

2  Written  in  1911.  By  October,  1912,  the  number  of  decided  cases  was 
11  and  one  was  in  process  of  trial.  Russia,  Turkey  and  Peru  had  been 
added  to  the  litigants  before  the  court. 


TIIE  ABOLITION  OF  TRIAL  BY  BATTLE 


61 


classes  of  crimes  and  disputes ;  for  example,  it  was  con¬ 
sidered  tlie  only  honorable  method  of  answering  the 
accusation  of  felony,  the  worst  and  basest  of  crimes ; 
and  it  was  applied  to  debtors  who  disobeyed  the  sheriff’s 
order  to  pay  their  debts. 

We  have  seen  how,  in  recent  years,  the  sovereigns  of 
the  world  have  begun  to  hate  the  dire  aspect  of  inter¬ 
national  war,  and  to  fear  the  growing  burden  of  prep¬ 
aration  for  trial  by  battle ;  how  they  have  met  at  The 
Hague  to  devise  peaceful  means  of  settling  their  dis¬ 
putes  ;  and  how  they  have  negotiated  numerous  treaties 
of  arbitration  and  submitted  a  growing  number  of  dis¬ 
putes  to  arbitral  tribunals.  In  1899  it  was  thought 
that  only  "  judicial  ”  questions  could  be  successfully 
submitted  to  arbitration;  in  1907  it  was  thought  that 
questions  of  "  national  honor  ”  should  still  be  submitted 
to  the  Norman  knighthood’s  "honorable  ’’  trial  by  battle, 
while  the  Porter  proposition,  great  step  in  advance  though 
it  was,  still  recognized  trial  by  battle  as  an  ultimate 
means  of  collecting  contractual  debts  in  case  arbitration 
should  fail. 

12.  During  the  reign  of  King  Stephen,  when  England 
underwent  a  reaction,  in  many  phases  of  her  life,  to  the 
violence  and  brutalities  of  feudal  anarchy,  the  barons  by 
the  might  of  their  mailed  fists  beat  down  wherever  they 
could  the  nascent  forms  of  civil  justice  and  restored 
trial  by  battle  in  all  its  pristine  vigor.  Although  the 
miseries  of  the  time,  as  recorded  in  the  "  Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle,"  which  comes  to  a  despairing  end  in  lament¬ 
ing  the  terrible  evils  it  records,  must  have  been  grievous 
indeed  for  that  generation  of  Englishmen  to  endure,  they 
served  as  a  most  useful  object  lesson  and  proved  a  strong 


62 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


incentive  to  the  adoption  of  the  great  legal  and  pacific 
means  of  settling  disputes  which  Henry  II  was  soon  to 
usher  in. 

The  Spanish-American  war,  the  Boer  war,  the  Russo- 
Japanese  war  were  a  sad  surprise  to  the  world  which  had 
witnessed  the  rise  of  the  First  Hague  Conference;  but 
they  were  a  revelation  of  the  imminence  of  warfare  in  the 
most  advanced  of  nations,  and  a  reminder  of  the  ferocity 
and  futility  of  trial  by  battle  as  practiced  even  by  the 
most  civilized  of  nations.  They  doubtless  gave  impetus, 
too,  to  the  progress  in  the  amicable  settlement  of  interna¬ 
tional  disputes  which  has  made  the  last  few  years  so 
illustrious. 

13.  The  reign  of  Henry  II  witnessed  the  rise  of  trial 
by  jury,  that  unrivaled  palladium  of  English  liberty  — 
unrivaled,  for  it  is  older  than  Parliament  itself,  and  bears 
within  it  the  principle  of  representative  government  as 
well  as  supplies  the  bulwark  of  civil  liberty.  It  began 
with  the  jury  of  inquest,  which  was  designed  merely  to 
procure  information ;  developed  into  the  jury  of  accusa¬ 
tion  or  presentment,  or  grand  jury,  as  we  call  it,  whose 
function  it  was  to  present  criminals  for  trial ;  and  ended 
with  the  jury  par  excellence,  the  trial  jury,  or  the  petty 
jury,  as  it  is  unworthily  called.  This  great  juristic  in¬ 
vention  had  existed  in  early  times  among  the  Franks  and 
other  Teutons  on  the  Continent,  but  it  had  been  over¬ 
whelmed  by  the  spread  of  the  Roman  and  canon  law, 
and  had  practically  disappeared  from  the  German  father- 
land.  In  England,  however,  it  rose  again  and  became  one 
of  England’s  choicest  gifts  to  the  civilization  of  the  world. 

The  rise  of  jury  trial  on  the  international  stage  vividly 
recalls  many  incidents  connected  with  its  rise  within  the 


THE  ABOLITION  OF  TRIAL  BY  BATTLE 


63 


nations.  The  Anglo-American  people  have  had  most  to 
do  with  laying  the  foundation  of  the  international  jury 
trial,  even  as  the  English  gave  the  trial  jury  to  the 
municipal  jurisprudence  of  the  nations.  International 
commissions  of  inquiry  may  find  their  prototype  in  the 
jury  of  inquest.  The  international  jury  of  presentment 
has  not  yet  been  evolved,  but  Professor  de  Martens’ 
proposition  at  the  Second  Hague  Conference,  that  com¬ 
missions  of  inquiry  shall  not  only  seek  the  truth  about 
a  controversy  and  publish  it  to  the  world,  but  shall  also 
fix  the  responsibility  upon  the  blameworthy  nation,  may 
yet  develop  into  a  grand  jury  which  shall  bring  guilty 
nations  to  the  bar  of  international  justice.  The  arbitral 
character  of  the  early  jury,  impaneling  as  it  did  an 
equal  number  of  representatives  of  each  litigant,  together 
with  others  to  act  as  umpires,  has  been  preserved  in  the 
equivalent  features  of  the  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitra¬ 
tion.  The  early  jury  was  composed  of  both  witnesses  and 
judges,  their  value  depending  largely  on  their  knowledge 
of  the  question  in  dispute ;  hence  their  verdict  was  both 
a  partial  and  a  compromising  one.  The  final  separation 
of  witnesses  and  jurors  is  reflected  in  the  American 
attempt  at  the  Second  Hague  Conference  —  an  attempt 
which  is  soon  bound  to  succeed  —  to  establish  a  genu¬ 
inely  permanent,  impartial  and  judicial  tribunal. 

Back  of  the  national  jury  lay  the  royal  power  of  the 
king,  as  opposed  to  the  independent  and  disintegrating 
privileges  of  the  feudal  barons,  while  the  jury  itself 
represented  the  "  country  ”  and  expressed  the  "  coun¬ 
try’s  ”  verdict.  Back  of  the  international  jury  lies  the 
power  of  the  family  of  nations,  as  opposed  to  the  exclu¬ 
sive  sovereignty  of  independent  states,  while  behind  its 


64 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


awards  there  lies  the  greatest  power  in  all  this  world, 
the  power  of  international  public  opinion.  The  first 
parties  to  jury  trial  within  the  nation  were  probably 
those  powers  which  were  almost  co-ordinate  in  the  time 
of  Henry  II  and  Thomas  Becket,  namely,  the  Eng¬ 
lish  Church  and  the  English  State.  It  seems  eminently 
proper  that  modern  states  of  equal  sovereignty,  but  re¬ 
fusing  in  the  interest  of  justice  to  be  judges  in  their  own 
cause,  should  submit  their  disputes  to  the  international 
jury.  The  first  class  of  disputes  regularly  submitted  to 
the  national  jury  had  to  do  with  the  ownership  of  land ; 
disputes  over  international  boundary  lines  have  been 
among  the  first  to  be  submitted  to  special  arbitration 
and  to  the  Permanent  Court  as  well,  while  there  is  a 
fair  promise  that  the  new  Anglo-American  arbitration 
treaty  and  the  third  Hague  Conference  will  assign 
territorial  disputes  invariably  to  an  international  jury. 
The  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  growing  out  of 
the  fruitful  soil  of  English  law,  provided  for  the  trial 
by  jury  of  all  criminal  cases,  but  neglected  at  first  to  pro¬ 
vide  the  same  guarantee  for  civil  cases ;  this  omission 
nearly  caused  the  rejection  of  the  Constitution  in  the 
Virginia  convention,  and  an  amendment  was  adopted 
which  provided  for  the  jury  trial  of  all  civil  cases  of 
the  value  of  twenty  dollars  or  more.  With  this  English 
and  American  precedent  to  re-enforce  the  Monroe  doc¬ 
trine  and  the  Porter  proposition,  the  American  govern¬ 
ment  has  induced  the  Hague  Conference  to  require  all 
claims  of  contractual  indebtedness  to  be  brought  into 
the  international  court. 

Jury  trial,  like  Parliament,  was  not  popular  at 
first  with  the  richer  freeholders  of  England,  and  they 


THE  ABOLITION  OF  TRIAL  BY  BATTLE 


65 


purchased  immunity  from  its  jurisdiction  in  considerable 
numbers,  while  many  poorer  freeholders  groaned  under 
its  operation  until  its  virtues  appeared  undoubted  and  su¬ 
preme.  Some  of  the  great  powers  of  our  time,  notably 
Germany,  have  needed  to  become  convinced  of  the  effi¬ 
cacy  of  the  international  jury,  while  some  of  the  smaller 
powers  do  not  even  yet  yield  unquestioned  allegiance 
to  this  sure  shield  of  their  weakness.  But  it  is  growing 
more  and  more  to  be  realized  that,  like  the  national  jury, 
the  international  jury  also  is  a  protection  of  the  rights 
of  the  weak  against  the  tyranny  of  the  strong,  and  that, 
as  the  national  jury  is  a  protection  of  national  justice 
against  the  violence  and  vindictiveness  of  individuals  or 
mobs,  so  is  the  international  jury  a  protection  of  in¬ 
ternational  justice  against  the  ignorance,  jealousy  and 
prejudice  of  nation  toward  nation. 

14.  The  year  1215  was  an  ever-memorable  one  in 
world  history,  for  it  saw  the  signing  of  Magna  Charta 
and  the  meeting  of  the  fourth  Lateran  Council.  The 
first  guaranteed,  among  other  liberties,  the  great  liberty 
of  trial  by  jury ;  and  the  second  prohibited  the  Church 
from  lending  divine  sanction  to  trial  by  ordeal,  thus 
-making  the  choice  a  necessary  one  between  trial  by  jury 
and  trial  by  battle,  and  discrediting  the  Christianized 
Odin  or  Thor,  who  was  supposed  to  preside  over  trial 
by  battle  and  trial  by  ordeal  alike. 

The  Hague  Conferences  of  1899  and  1907  have  dis¬ 
credited  international  trial  by  battle  by  denouncing  war¬ 
fare,  in  the  words  of  Baron  d’Estournelles  de  Constant, 
as  a  conflagration,  and  commissioning  every  responsible 
statesman  with  the  prime  duty  of  preventing  its  spread 
and  of  putting  it  out.  The  year  1915  will  also  be  marked 


66 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


by  two  ever-memorable  events — the  meeting  of  the  third 
Hague  Conference  and  the  celebration  of  a  century  of 
peace  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  and 
their  mutual  disarmament  on  three  thousand  miles  of 
border  line.  May  these  events,  like  those  of  seven  cen¬ 
turies  ago,  mark  a  great  advance  in  the  permanent  and 
universal  substitution  of  international  peace  and  justice 
for  the  iniquitous  and  unjust  trial  by  battle ! 

15.  Among  the  priceless  gifts  that  our  republic  owes 
to  the  motherland  of  Great  Britain,  there  is  none  fairer 
than  jury  trial  and  the  courts  of  justice  in  which  it  is 
enshrined.  These  are  embedded  in  the  constitution  of 
every  state  and  of  the  Union  itself,  and  are  rightly 
regarded  as  the  bulwark  of  justice,  the  palladium  of 
our  liberties.  The  time  came,  a  century  and  a  quarter 
ago,  when  our  forefathers  felt  that  they  could  no  longer 
dwell  beneath  the  imperial  sway  of  the  British  Parliament 
and  of  King  George  the  Third ;  but  when  they  broke 
the  political  ties  which  bound  them  to  their  kinsmen 
beyond  the  sea,  they  carried  into  their  new  constitu¬ 
tion  Old  England’s  juristic  triumph  of  trial  by  jury. 
In  view  of  this  great  historic  fact,  it  was  most  appro¬ 
priate  that  in  the  early  infancy  of  our  republic,  in 
the  year  1794,  the  United  States,  negotiating  the  Jay 
treaty  with  its  arbitral  provisions,  inaugurated  with 
Great  Britain  that  series  of  international  jury  trials 
which  in  the  form  of  arbitration  have  made  the  suc¬ 
ceeding  century  supremely  illustrious. 

In  this  coronation  year  of  King  George  the  Fifth,1 
when  the  nations  are  sending  to  the  new  sovereign  their 
varied  tokens  of  good  will,  no  fairer  gift  can  be  sent  to 


1  Written  in  1911. 


THE  ABOLITION  OF  TRIAL  BY  BATTLE 


67 


him  by  our  republic  than  that  of  a  treaty  of  arbitra¬ 
tion  which  shall  apply  to  every  dispute  which  may  arise 
between  our  nations  that  principle  of  peace  and  justice 
which,  received  from  England’s  law,  has  been  enthroned 
within  our  American  courts  for  many  generations,  and 
is  now  being  crowned  within  the  courts  of  nations.  No 
fairer  gift  can  be  made  to  Britain’s  people  and  the  world 
than  such  a  bar,  which  shall  forever  close  the  doors  of 
the  temple  of  Janus  and  forever  open  those  of  the  Palace 
of  Peace  at  The  Hague. 

In  these  days  of  great  and  increasing  armaments, 
when  Horror  sits  plumed  upon  the  crests  of  nations, 
and  when  dreadful  deeds  may  well  ensue,  —  "  nor  only 
Paradise,  in  this  commotion,  but  the  starry  cope  of 
Heaven  perhaps,  or  all  the  Elements  at  least  may  go 
to  wrack,  disturbed  and  torn  with  violence  of  this  con¬ 
flict,”  —  we  may  well  give  thanks  that  "  the  Eternal, 
to  prevent  such  horrid  fray,  hangs  forth  in  Heaven  his 
golden  scales,”  and  that  the  fiend  of  trial  by  battle, 
looking  up,  beholds  these  golden  scales  of  justice,  and 
murmuring,  flees,  while  with  him  flee  the  shades  of  night. 


VI 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  GRAND  JURY  1 

One  of  the  notable  achievements  of  the  First  Hague 
Conference  was  the  prominence  given  by  it  to  interna¬ 
tional  commissions  of  inquiry  as  one  of  the  best  means 
for  the  pacific  settlement  of  international  disputes.  The 
proposal  to  establish  these  gave  rise  to  one  of  the  longest 
and  most  ardent  debates  of  the  Conference,  the  result 
of  which  was  to  impress  the  idea  deeply  upon  the  inter¬ 
national  consciousness. 

A  large  majority  of  the  delegates  shared  the  conviction 
that  governments  should  investigate  before  they  fight, 
and  the  belief  that  if  they  investigate  before  they  fight, 
in  all  probability  they  will  not  fight  at  all.  They  believed 
also  that  the  truth,  the  whole  truth  and  nothing  but  the 
truth  relating  to  international  disputes  should  be  impar¬ 
tially  ascertained  and  made  public,  and  that  during  such 
investigation  popular  passions  would  have  time  to  cool 
and  a  peaceful  settlement  of  the  difficulty  thus  be  made 
more  easy. 

On  the  other  hand,  a  minority  of  the  delegates  argued 
that  the  establishment  by  the  Conference  of  international 
commissions  of  inquiry  would  be  too  long  a  step  in  the 
direction  of  obligatory  arbitration  ;  that  a  report  by  such 
commission,  if  it  were  adverse  to  the  interests  of  a  large 

1  Address  at  the  second  annual  meeting  of  the  American  Society  for 
the  Judicial  Settlement  of  International  Disputes,  1911. 

68 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  GRAND  JURY 


G9 


power,  would  cause  the  large  power  to  refuse  to  arbitrate 
the  dispute ;  that  such  commissions  would  be  a  strong 
link  in  the  chain  which  was  being  forged  for  the  binding 
together  of  the  nations  in  a  union  which  would  infringe 
upon  the  sovereignty  of  the  smaller  powers ;  and  that 
at  the  bottom  of  every  request  by  one  state  for  an  inter¬ 
national  commission  of  inquiry  there  is  a  kind  of  doubt 
as  to  the  impartiality  of  the  investigation  made  by  the 
national  authorities  of  the  other  state,  while  the  accept¬ 
ance  of  a  proposal  to  name  such  a  commission  implies  a 
willingness  to  subject  the  action  of  its  own  authorities 
to  a  kind  of  international  control. 

So  persistently  were  these  arguments  urged,  —  they 
were  fears,  rather  than  arguments,  as  Baron  d’Estour- 
nelles  declared,  and  therefore  could  not  be  answered,  — 
and  so  determined  were  the  delegates  of  three  Balkan 
governments  (Roumania,  Servia  and  Greece)  to  defeat 
the  adoption  of  international  commissions  of  inquiry  in 
any  form,  that  the  Conference  was  finally  obliged,  in¬ 
stead  of  establishing  them  and  conferring  upon  them  a 
wide  scope  of  activity,  merely  to  declare  that  it  would 
be  useful  for  the  signatory  powers  to  establish  them  "  in 
so  far  as  circumstances  permit,”  and  in  questions  "  in¬ 
volving  neither  the  honor  nor  the  vital  interests  of  the 
powers  concerned.” 

This  apparent  failure  of  the  Conference  to  take  what 
seemed  to  be  so  short  and  so  reasonable  a  step  toward 
international  justice  was  one  of  the  reasons  why  it  was 
made  the  laughing  stock  of  a  reckless  press  and  the 
contempt  of  thoughtless  people.  But  seldom  indeed  has 
there  been  so  striking  an  illustration  of  the  importance 
of  declaring  the  truth,  however  tritely,  of  holding  up  "a 


ro 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


standard  to  which  the  wise  and  the  honest  may  repair.” 
Indorsed  thus  feebly  by  the  Conference,  but  made  practi¬ 
cable  by  the  adoption  of  a  few  simple  rules  of  procedure, 
and  impressed  upon  the  attention  of  thinking  men,  inter¬ 
national  commissions  of  inquiry  have  found  an  assured 
place  in  international  relations ;  and,  resorted  to  by  Great 
Britain  and  Russia  in  the  case  of  the  fishermen  of  the 
Dogger  Bank,  one  of  them  allayed  the  passions  of  the 
British  people  at  a  grave  period  of  the  Russo-Japanese 
War,  and  probably  prevented  that  war  from  becoming 
fatefully  enlarged  in  its  scope  and  results.1 

At  the  second  Hague  Conference  the  attempt  was  re¬ 
newed  to  establish  international  commissions  of  inquiry, 
to  make  it  incumbent  upon  powers  not  parties  to  an  in¬ 
ternational  dispute  to  suggest  a  resort  to  them  by  the 
disputant  powers,  and  to  add  to  their  duty  of  impartial 
investigation  and  report  the  further  duty  of  fixing  the 
responsibility  for  the  occurrence  which  gave  rise  to  the 
dispute.  These  propositions  again  stirred  up  determined 
opposition,  which  was  this  time  almost  unanimous,  and 
all  that  was  accomplished  by  the  second  Conference  in 
regard  to  the  commissions,  besides  an  improvement  in 
their  mode  of  procedure,  was  the  adoption  of  a  declara¬ 
tion  that  their  establishment  by  the  powers,  under  the 
former  restrictions,  would  be  desirable  as  well  as  useful. 

Here  the  history  of  international  commissions  of  in¬ 
quiry  ended,  in  apparent  ignominy.  But  in  this  year  of 
grace  the  President  of  our  republic  has,  under  God, 
taken  up  this  stone  which  the  builders  rejected  and  has 
made  it  the  headstone  of  the  corner.  When  the  proposed 

1  A  second  reported  to  Italy  and  France  on  July  25,  1912,  regarding  the 
holding  up  of  the  Tavignano  by  Italy  during  the  Turko-Italian  War. 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  GRAND  JURY 


71 


treaties  of  arbitration  with  Great  Britain  and  France  and 
the  Senate’s  objections  to  them  are  carefully  examined, 
it  is  seen  that  the  heart  of  the  treaties  and  the  core  of 
the  opposition  to  them  lies  not  so  much  in  the  apparently 
universal  scope  of  the  arbitration  proposed,  as  in  the  pro¬ 
posed  method  of  determining  the  arbitrability  of  ques¬ 
tions  in  dispute.  This  method  is  the  appointment  of  an 
international  commission  of  inquiry,  or,  rather,  the  trans¬ 
formation  of  the  familiar  international  commission  of 
inquiry  into  an  international  grand  jury. 

With  the  rapidly  growing  belief  in  the  efficacy  of 
arbitration  for  the  settlement  of  international  disputes 
there  has  been  a  rapidly  growing  desire  to  have  all  in¬ 
ternational  disputes  submitted  to  this  peaceful  mode  of 
settlement ;  but  the  supreme  difficulty,  the  crux  of  the 
entire  movement,  is  to  get  the  parties  into  court. 

This  desire  and  difficulty  are  reflected  by  the  treaties 
and  the  Senate  alike.  The  contracting  governments  de¬ 
clare  that  they  are  "  resolved  that  no  future  difference 
shall  be  a  cause  of  hostilities  between  them  or  interrupt 
their  good  relations  and  friendship  ”  ;  and  the  Senate’s 
committee  asserts  that  it  "is  as  earnestly  and  heartily 
in  favor  of  peace  and  of  the  promotion  of  universal  peace 
by  arbitration  as  any  body  of  men,  official  or  unofficial, 
anywhere  in  the  world,  or  as  any  one  concerned  in  the 
negotiations  of  arbitration  treaties."  The  treaties  pro¬ 
pose  the  arbitration  of  all  "  justiciable  ’’  questions,  and 
the  Senate  responds  with  a  hearty  amen.  So  emphatic 
is  this  response  that  the  wayfaring  man  naturally  asks, 
Then  where  is  the  hitch  ?  And  the  suspicious  man  is  in¬ 
clined  to  regard  the  Senate’s  response  as  emphatic  rather 
than  sincere,  and  to  apply  to  it  the  words  of  Ambassador 


72 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


Choate,  at  the  Second  Hague  Conference,  when  he  char¬ 
acterized  Baron  Marschall  yon  Bieberstein  of  Germany, 
the  great  opponent  of  the  American  proposal  for  a 
world  treaty  of  obligatory  arbitration,  as  being  "on  the 
one  hand,  an  ardent  admirer  of  obligatory  arbitration 
in  the  abstract,  but  on  the  other,  when  this  idea  is  to  be 
put  into  practice,  he  becomes  its  most  formidable  op¬ 
ponent.  It  is  for  him,”  Mr.  Choate  continues,  "  an  image 
which  he  adores  in  the  sky,  but  which  loses  all  its  charm 
on  touching  the  ground ;  he  regards  it  in  his  dreams  as 
a  celestial  vision,  but  when  it  approaches  him  he  turns 
toward  the  wall  and  will  not  look  at  it ! 

But  this  doubt,  as  far  as  the  Senate  is  concerned, 
is  not  well  founded ;  for,  although  the  Senate’s  dream 
of  universal  arbitration  is  somewhat  troubled  by  such 
nightmares  as  attacks  upon  the  Monroe  doctrine,  the 
influx  of  undesirable  immigrants  and  aggressions  upon 
the  territorial  integrity  of  the  states  and  the  nation,  the 
real  lion  in  its  path  is  the  great  question,  How  shall  the 
justiciability  of  international  disputes  be  determined  ? 
or,  as  the  report  of  its  committee  states  it,  "  The  most 
vital  question  in  every  proposed  arbitration  is  whether 
the  difference  is  arbitrable.” 

To  answer  this  fundamental  question,  the  treaties  pro¬ 
pose  to  institute  a  joint  high  commission  of  inquiry, 
charged  with  the  duty,  first,  of  impartially  and  conscien¬ 
tiously  investigating  and  reporting  upon  any  controversy 
referred  to  it,  for  the  purpose  of  facilitating  the  solution 
of  disputes  by  elucidating  the  facts ;  and  second,  of  de¬ 
termining  the  justiciability  or  nonjusticiability  of  cases 
in  which  the  parties  disagree  as  to  whether  or  not  they 
are  subject  to  arbitration. 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  GRAND  JURY 


73 


The  name  of  joint  high,  instead  of  the  Hague  Confer¬ 
ence’s  name  of  international,  commission  of  inquiry  is 
given  to  the  new  agent,  but  the  first  duty  assigned  to  it 
is  that  proposed  at  The  Hague  ;  while,  through  the 
second  duty  assigned  to  it,  it  has  been  transformed  from 
a  high  commission  and  raised  to  the  dignity  of  a  grand 
jury.  Thus  has  been  proposed  the  immensely  important 
step  of  adapting  to  the  administration  of  international 
justice  that  great  agency  which  has  served  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  people  for  more  than  seven  centuries  as  one  of 
the  chief  bulwarks  of  individual  liberty  and  one  of  the 
most  efficient  tools  in  the  enforcement  of  national  law 
and  order. 

History  repeats  itself  in  a  most  instructive  and  most 
encouraging  way.  Looking  back  to  the  days  of  the  Nor¬ 
man  and  Angevin  kings,  when  the  first  faint  heart  throbs 
of  trial  by  jury  were  beginning  to  make  themselves  felt 
within  the  body  politic  of  England,  and  the  virus  of 
trial  by  battle  was  being  expelled  by  it  from  the  current 
of  national  justice,  we  see  gradually  emerging  above  the 
baronial  turbulence  and  social  injustice  of  the  times 
the  jury  of  inquest  and  presentment,  which  became  the 
mother  of  grand  and  petit  jury  alike.  Originating  as 
a  body  of  impartial  witnesses  summoned  by  royal  writ 
and  sworn  before  the  king’s  officers  to  declare  all  the 
facts  in  a  given  case,  it  was  used  by  William  the  Con¬ 
queror  for  inquiring  into  the  laws  of  good  King  Edward 
and  for  securing  the  information  upon  which  Domesday 
Book  was  based.  Henry  II  used  it  in  connection  with 
the  Assize  of  Arms  and  the  Saladin  tithe,  and  substituted 
it  for  the  wager  of  battle,  in  civil  cases,  for  determining 
title  and  possession.  It  was  Henry  II  also,  who,  in  his 


74 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


great  struggle  with  the  barons  and  the  Church,  lifted  it 
above  its  role  of  inquiry  and  report  and  vested  it  with 
the  power  of  indictment  in  criminal  cases  (Constitutions 
of  Clarendon,  1164,  6th  Chapter;  and  Assize  of  Claren¬ 
don,  1166,  1st  section).  Magna  Charta  (39th  section) 
made  it  the  corner  stone  of  English  jurisprudence ;  the 
American  colonies  and  states  incorporated  it  in  their 
temples  of  justice ;  and  the  United  States  Constitution 
(the  fifth  amendment)  made  it  a  foundation  stone  of 
the  new  republic.  Sustained  by  both  common  and  stat¬ 
ute  law  and  by  the  affections  of  a  self-governing  and 
law-loving  people,  it  has  achieved  among  the  English- 
speaking  peoples  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic  a  long 
and  glorious  record  of  beneficent  activity ;  and  now  the 
President  of  our  republic  has  proposed  to  those  same 
peoples  its  establishment  within  the  international  temple 
of  peace  and  justice  at  The  Hague,  and  invited  all  other 
nations  to  share  with  us  its  benefits. 

The  national  grand  juries  of  to-day  include  within 
their  functions,  first,  inquisition  of  office,  or  the  investi¬ 
gation  of  matters  committed  to  their  inquiry,  upon 
evidence  laid  before  them ;  second,  indictment ,  or  accu¬ 
sation  of  crime  or  misdemeanor ;  and  third,  presentment , 
properly  so  called,  or  inquiry  into  an  accusation  of  crime 
or  misdemeanor,  upon  the  jury’s  own  motion  and  from 
its  own  knowledge  and  observation. 

O  • 

It  has  not  yet  been  proposed  to  invest  the  international 
grand  jury  with  the  function  of  presentment  proper ;  but 
with  the  growing  sense  of  the  solidarity  of  nations  we 
may  yet  hope  to  see  a  properly  constructed  grand  jury 
of  the  nations  taking  cognizance  of  and  presenting  such 
patent  crimes  as  the  annexation  of  one’s  neighbor’s 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  GRAND  JURY 


75 


outlying  territories.  But  this  is  for  the  future.  For  the 
present  it  has  been  proposed  in  the  Hague  Conference, 
as  has  been  seen,  that  the  international  commission  of 
inquiry  shall  be  vested  with  the  duty  of  inquisition 
of  office ;  and  now  our  President  has  proposed  that  it 
shall  be  vested  with  the  great  and  distinctive  duty  of 
indictment.  It  is  still  difficult  for  us  to  think  into  our 
old  familiar  terms  of  national  jurisprudence  their  inter¬ 
national  significance.  But  it  is  clear  that  Article  III 
of  President  Taft’s  treaty,  which  empowers  the  Joint 
High  Commission  to  test  by  the  principles  of  law  or 
equity  the  justiciable  character  of  international  differ¬ 
ences,  is  tantamount  to  the  prime  object  of  indictment ; 
namely,  the  getting  of  a  case  before  a  court,  the  bringing 
of  two  disputants  before  the  bar  of  justice. 

The  Senate  objects  to  this  summary  process  because 
it  is  opposed  to  the  Senate’s  constitutional  duty  of  itself 
sharing  in  the  decision  as  to  justiciability  and  in  the 
appointment  of  the  Joint  High  Commission.  Now  there 
can  surely  be  no  objection  to  the  Senate’s  participation 
in  the  appointment  of  the  American  members  of  the 
Joint  High  Commission,  at  least  in  the  usual  manner 
of  ratification.  It  has  always  been  an  essential  feature  of 
the  national  grand  jury  that  it  shall  be  of  a  represent¬ 
ative  character.  Chosen  at  first  from  the  hundred,  it  was 
regarded  as  representative  enough  to  present,  inquire 
and  indict,  but  not  to  act  as  a  trial  jury ;  that  is,  to  give 
fair  and  adequate  expression  to  the  voice  of  the  county 
as  to  the  guilt  or  innocence  of  the  accused.  Accordingly 
it  was  enlarged  by  including  representatives  of  "  the 
four  vills  ”  and  the  jury  of  another  hundred ;  also,  at 
times,  by  the  addition  of  coroners,  knights  and  others  of 


76 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


representative  character.  The  principle  of  representative 
government  as  a  whole  was  cherished  and  preserved 
chiefly  in  the  jury,  and  Parliament  itself  arose  in  the 
form  of  a  great  national  representative  jury.  It  is  en¬ 
tirely  fitting,  therefore,  that  the  international  grand  jury, 
.at  least  in  the  initial  stages  of  its  growth,  shall  be  repre¬ 
sentative  in  the  large  sense  of  the  nations  concerned, 
and  that  the  Senate  shall  share  with  the  Executive  the 
responsibility  of  its  appointment.  Indeed,  since  the 
national  grand  juries  are  summoned  by  courts  of  suffi¬ 
cient  criminal  jurisdiction,  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States  may  well  claim  its  share  in  the  appoint¬ 
ment  of  the  international  grand  jury,  especially  since 
the  jury  is  to  perform  an  essentially  judicial  function. 

But  the  Senate’s  claim  to  a  share  in  this  judicial 
function  of  the  international  grand  jury  cannot  be  thus 
readily  granted.  It  does  not  appear  to  be  well  founded 
on  constitutional  interpretation,  and  it  certainly  is  most 
repugnant  to  the  ideals  of  justice  and  fair  play  cherished 
by  the  Old  World  members  of  the  family  of  nations.  At 
the  Second  Hague  Conference,  for  example,  the  Austrian 
and  other  delegations  persistently  and  almost  tauntingly 
inquired  of  our  American  delegation  how  the  United 
States  government  could  possibly  enter  into  any  world 
treaty  of  genuine  obligatory  arbitration  if  the  United 
States  Senate  must  exercise  the  right  of  approving  not 
only  the  general  treaty  itself  but  also  a  special  treaty 
determining  the  object,  scope,  etc.  of  the  arbitration  of 
every  individual  dispute.  Although  Great  Britain  and 
France  have  agreed  that  the  Senate  shall  ratify  the  com- 
promis  (that  is,  the  agreement  for  the  arbitration  of  each 
specific  dispute),  as  well  as  the  general  treaty,  it  cannot 


TIIE  INTERNATIONAL  GRAND  JURY 


77 


be  expected  that  all  other  nations  will  be  thus  compla¬ 
cent,  or  that  they  or  any  other  nations  would  make  a 
general  treaty  submitting  all  justiciable  cases  to  arbitra¬ 
tion  and  at  the  same  time  assigning  to  the  United  States 
Senate  the  right  of  deciding  on  the  justiciability  of  each 
case  as  it  arose.  Evidently,  if  such  be  the  constitutional 
limitation  of  our  government  in  international  affairs,  it, 
like  the  power  of  the  national  government  over  the  states 
in  such  international  matters  as  the  treatment  of  resi¬ 
dent  aliens,  is  greatly  in  need  of  revision.  In  some  Avay, 
by  constitutional  interpretation  or  constitutional  amend¬ 
ment,  the  United  States  Government  must  have  the 
shackles  stricken  from  its  limbs,  so  that  it  may  fulfill 
unhampered  its  duties  toward  the  other  members  of  the 
family  of  nations. 

But  in  regard  to  the  Joint  High  Commission’s  duty  of 
determining  the  justiciability  of  specific  disputes,  it  does 
not  appear  that  the  Senate  is  vested  by  the  Constitution 
with  any  right  or  duty.  This  is  clearly  either  an  admin¬ 
istrative  or  a  judicial  measure.  If  it  is  an  administra¬ 
tive  measure,  it  must  be  performed  not  by  the  Senate  but 
by  a  commission  acting  under  the  Executive,  even  as 
tariff  boards  pass  upon  the  dutiability  of  imports  under 
a  treaty  of  reciprocity.  If  it  is  a  judicial  function,  it 
must  a  fortiori  be  performed  not  by  the  Senate  but  by  a 
commission  vested  with  judicial  powers,  in  the  appoint¬ 
ment  of  which  the  Senate  may  concur,  but  in  the  per¬ 
formance  of  whose  judicial  duties  neither  the  Senate  nor 
the  Executive  may  interfere.  It  is  not  to  be  tolerated, 
under  the  rules  of  fair  play,  that  a  government  may  act 
as  the  judge  or  the  petit  jury  in  its  own  case ;  and  it  is 
no  more  to  be  tolerated  that  a  government  shall  act  as 


78 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


its  own  grand  jury,  and  insist  on  the  control  of  inquest, 
indictment  or  presentment  of  only  such  cases  as  may  suit 
its  pleasure  or  convenience. 

Of  course  the  ideal  international  grand  jury  would 
be  one  not  only  composed  of  "  good  and  lawful  men,” 
whose  interest  in  any  particular  case  does  not  transcend 
that  common  interest  which  every  good  member  of  society 
feels  in  the  enforcement  of  law  and  justice,  and  who 
would  therefore  pass  upon  it  with  faithful  impartiality, 
but  it  would  be  one  also  fairly  representative  not  of  the 
governments  interested  in  the  particular  case  at  issue,  but 
of  the  family  of  nations  as  a  whole.  The  Senate’s  com¬ 
mittee  has  criticized  the  proposed  treaties  on  the  ground 
that  they  "  are  not  in  the  direction  of  an  advance,  but  of 
a  retreat  from  the  Hague  provisions,  because  they  revive 
the  idea  of  confining  membership  in  the  commission,  if 
insisted  upon  by  either  party,  to  nationals  instead  of  to 
wholly  disinterested  outsiders.”  While  this  criticism  is 
entirely  just  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  ideal,  it  does 
not  come  with  peculiar  propriety  from  a  branch  of  the 
legislative  department  of  the  government  which  demands 
for  itself  the  right  of  withholding  from  arbitral  adjudi¬ 
cation  cases  in  which  it  is  vitally  interested,  especially 
since,  immediately  after  this  criticism  of  the  treaties,  it 
strenuously  objects  to  vesting  in  an  outside  commission 
the  power  to  decide  on  the  justiciability  of  disputes.  From 
the  point  of  view  of  the  practical,  we  cannot  expect  to 
create  immediately  a  perfect  international  grand  jury ; 
for  it  should  be  remembered  that  national  grand  juries 
grew  slowly  in  representative  character  and  in  scope  of 
jurisdiction,  being  summoned  at  first  only  to  inquire  for 
the  body  of  the  county,  pro  corpore  comitatus ,  while  down 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  GRAND  JURY 


79 


until  1548  (2  &  8  Edw.  VI,  c.  24)  it  was  the  rule  that, 
when  a  man  was  wounded  in  one  county  and  died  in 
another,  the  offender  was  at  common  law  indictable  in 
neither  county,  because  a  complete  act  of  felony  had 
been  committed  in  neither.  It  is  evident  from  past  his¬ 
tory  and  present  human  nature  alike  that  too  rapid 
progress  cannot  be  hoped  for  in  the  development  of  the 
newly  bom  grand  jury  of  the  nations ;  it  is  evident  also, 
from  the  Senate’s  vigorous  opposition  to  the  alleged 
radical  character  of  the  President’s  proposal,  that  this 
proposal  marks  a  great  step  toward  the  ideal. 

The  ideal  international  grand  jury  also  would  act  for 
each  member  of  the  family  of  nations,  large  or  small, 
just  as  surely  and  potently  as  it  would  for  any  of  the 
others.  The  Senate  committee’s  warning,  that  "  if  we 
enter  into  these  treaties  with  Great  Britain  and  France 
we  must  make  like  treaties  in  precisely  the  same  terms 
with  any  other  friendly  power  which  calls  upon  us  to 
do  so,”  is  a  reflection  of  the  ideal  and  of  the  Senate’s 
attitude  toward  it ;  while  the  President’s  frank  accept¬ 
ance  of  the  alternative,  his  refusal  to  be  terrified  by  the 
fear  of  the  subjunctive,  and  his  loyalty  to  justice  regard¬ 
less  of  the  side  on  which  the  weight  of  her  scales  may 
turn,  is  a  splendid  object  lesson  to  the  nations,  and 
another  great  step  toward  the  ideal  which  declares  that 
just  as  public  wrongs  are  considered  in  every  civilized 
nation  to  be  committed  not  primarily  against  the  in¬ 
dividual  but  against  the  commonwealth,  so  international 
wrongs  must  be  considered  as  committed  not  primarily 
against  the  individual  nation  but  against  the  family  of 
nations,  to  whom  international  rights  and  duties  pre¬ 
eminently  pertain.  In  practice,  again,  it  should  be 


80 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


remembered  that  for  generations  after  the  introduction 
of  indictment  by  means  of  the  national  grand  jury,  the 
accused,  if  sufficiently  powerful,  would  refuse  "  to  put 
himself  on  the  county,”  that  is,  to  submit  to  jury  trial, 
and  that  from  1275  to  1772  a.d.  it  was  held  necessary 
to  punish  such  refusal  by  imprisonment  and  by  peine 
forte  et  dure.  AVe  cannot  anticipate  that  the  "  great 
powers,”  led  on  as  at  present  by  the  will-o’-the-wisp  of 
territorial  aggrandizement,  will  submit  immediately  to 
be  haled  into  court  and  compelled  to  make  restitution 
for  their  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors.  But  we  may 
be  profoundly  thankful  that  our  President  has  thus 
lifted  from  the  dust  the  standard  of  international  justice  ; 
and  we  may  be  assured  that  as  the  nations-  rally  one  by 
one  to  that  standard,  an  international  public  opinion 
will  be  created,  so  enlightened,  so  just  and  so  invincible 
that  no  international  delinquent,  however  great  or  obsti¬ 
nate,  will  refuse  to  bow  to  that  sovereign  power  of  our 
times  and  to  the  indictment  of  the  ideal  international 
grand  jury  which  will  represent  it ! 

Standing  face  to  face  to-day  with  the  great  "  present 
crisis  ”  in  the  development  of  international  justice,  hold¬ 
ing  within  our  grasp  the  immeasurable  power  for  good 
possessed  by  the  international  grand  jury  which  Presi¬ 
dent  Taft  is  offering  to  our  own  and  other  nations,  we 
may  well  recall  and  ponder  Lowell’s  heartfelt  cry  in 
another  great  crisis  of  our  country’s  and  the  world’s 
history : 

Once  to  every  man  and  nation  comes  the  moment  to 
decide, 

In  the  strife  of  Truth  with  Falsehood,  for  the  good  or 
evil  side ;  .  .  . 


TIIE  INTERNATIONAL  GRAND  JURY 


81 


Hast  thou  chosen,  O  my  people,  on  whose  party  thou 
shalt  stand, 

Ere  the  Doom  from  its  worn  sandals  shakes  the  dust 
against  our  land  ?  .  .  . 

Careless  seems  the  great  Avenger ;  history’s  pages  but 
record 

One  death-grapple  in  the  darkness  ’twixt  old  systems 
and  the  Word  ;  .  .  . 

We  see  dimly  in  the  Present  what  is  small  and  what  is 
great, 

Slow  of  faith,  how  weak  an  arm  may  turn  the  iron  helm 
of  fate, 

But  the  soul  is  still  oracular ;  amid  the  market’s  din, 

List  the  ominous  stern  whisper  from  the  Delphic  cave 
within,  — 

"  They  enslave  their  children’s  children  who  make 
compromise  with  sin.”  .  .  . 

New  occasions  teach  new  duties ;  Time  makes  ancient 
good  uncouth ; 

They  must  upward  still,  and  onward,  who  would  keep 
abreast  of  Truth ; 

Lo,  before  us  gleam  her  camp-fires !  we  ourselves  must 
Pilgrims  be, 

Launch  our  Mayflower,  and  steer  boldly  through  the 
desperate  winter  sea, 

Nor  attempt  the  Future’s  portal  with  the  Past’s 
blood-rusted  key. 


VII 


INTERNATIONAL  POLICE  VS.  NATIONAL 

ARMAMENTS 

There  is  an  analogy  implying  that  armaments  are 
equivalent  to  police  forces,  which  is  as  prevalent  as  it  is 
false  and  pernicious.  It  is  used  constantly  and  effectively 
by  the  advocates  of  great  and  ever-growing  armies  and 
navies.  It  steals  for  armaments  all  the  glory  which  is 
associated  in  the  minds  of  civilized  men  with  that  effec¬ 
tive  agent  of  civilization,  the  police  force.  It  pretends 
that  just  as  a  police  force  is  the  bulwark  of  cities  against 
thieves,  assassins  and  anarchists,  so  is  a  great  armament 
the  defense  of  the  nation  against  criminal  aggressors 
attacking  it  from  abroad.  The  object  of  police  forces, 
we  are  told,  is  to  prevent  and  punish  domestic  crime, 
and  that  of  armaments  is  to  prevent  and  punish  interna¬ 
tional  crime. 

So  powerful  and  plausible  is  this  analogy  that  it  is 
the  chief  argument  of  militarists  in  the  most  civilized  of 
nations ;  for  the  greater  the  degree  of  civilization,  the 
more  intense  is  the  love  of  law  and  order  and  the  respect 
for  the  agencies  which  maintain  them.  So  inseparably 
associated  in  the  minds  of  pacifists,  also,  is  the  love  of 
law  and  order  with  the  desire  for  peace,  that  this  anal¬ 
ogy,  when  loudly  urged  by  their  military  opponents,  is 
sufficient  to  confuse  their  thought  and  even  to  silence 
for  a  time  their  advocacy  of  peace.  Come,  let  us  reason 

82 


POLICE  VS.  ARMAMENTS 


83 


together  as  to  its  basis  and  justification.  Let  us  get 
closer  to  the  two  institutions  and  consider  their  funda¬ 
mental  differences. 

They  differ  fundamentally,  in  the  first  place,  in  the 
source  of  their  authority.  A  police  force  derives  its  au¬ 
thority  from  a  power  which  is  supreme  over  both  con¬ 
testants  ;  an  armament  derives  its  authority  from  a  power 
which  is  supreme  over  only  one  of  the  contestants.  A 
police  force,  in  the  punishment  of  crime,  and  all  other 
officials  engaged  in  the  administration  of  justice  are  un¬ 
der  the  authority  of  criminal  courts  and  perform  their 
duties  only  after  a  fair  trial  has  been  conducted  in  which 
the  criminal  has  stood  on  an  equal  footing  with  his  accuser. 
It  has  been  a  principle  of  jurisprudence  ever  since  Magna 
Charta  that  every  man  is  held  innocent  until  he  is  proved 
guilty,  that  he  cannot  be  made  to  testify  against  himself, 
and  that  he  can  be  punished  only  after  he  has  been  found 
guilty  by  due  process  of  law,  and  in  a  court  which  is  im¬ 
partial  toward  both  prosecutor  and  defendant. 

Compare  this  judicial  process  with  an  act  of  war. 
One  nation  decides  that  another  nation  has  injured  it ; 
this  decision  is  based  frequently  on  false  or  misinter¬ 
preted  evidence ;  even  where  the  evidence  is  good,  the 
accused  is  given  no  chance  to  rebut  it,  or  to  submit 
other  evidence,  in  a  court  which  is  impartial  toward 
both  prosecutor  and  defendant ;  and  no  opportunity  is 
given  the  defendant  for  appeal  to  a  higher  or  less 
partial  tribunal.  When  a  nation  has  made  up  its  own 
mind  that  it  has  been  injured,  it  launches  its  army  or 
navy  against  its  opponent ;  if  it  is  victorious,  it  is  satis¬ 
fied  that  justice  has  been  done ;  if  it  is  defeated,  it 
decides  that  injustice  has  triumphed.  Let  us  therefore, 


84 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


it  says,  become  more  powerful  than  our  neighbors,  in 
order  that  we  may  always  cause  justice  to  prevail.  This 
is  the  old  and  impious  doctrine,  discarded  within  civi¬ 
lized  nations,  that  might  makes  right.  It  is  the  discarded 
method  of  settling  wrongs  between  individuals  by  appeal 
to  the  big  stick  or  to  trial  by  battle. 

But,  says  the  militarist,  the  diplomatists  and  state 
departments  of  the  two  countries  involved  in  the  diffi¬ 
culty  are  supposed  to  sift  the  evidence  in  the  case  and 
to  decide  the  question  of  right  and  wrong.  True;  but 
this  constitutes  no  more  of  a  genuine  court  than  would 
the  opposing  lawyers  hired  to  conduct  a  case  between 
individual  litigants.  And  while  the  intensely  partisan 
because  "  patriotic  ”  diplomatists  and  statesmen  are  argu¬ 
ing  the  case  and  striving  to  secure  victory  for  their 
respective  clients,  the  armed  forces  of  the  latter  are 
straining  at  their  leashes  and  drowning  the  voice  of 
justice  by  their  baying,  while  a  "  patriotic  ”  people  are 
demanding  of  their  respective  governments  that  "  the 
flag  shall,  not  be  lowered,”  that  the  foreign  "  dago  ”  or 
"greaser”  or  what  not  shall  not  triumph.  He  who 
remembers  the  Maine  needs  not  to  be  told  how  military 
and  popular  clamor  darkens  counsel  and  prevents  the 
diplomatists  and  statesmen  of  two  quarreling  nations 
from  conducting  a  fair  trial  in  times  when  mutual  rela¬ 
tions  are  strained,  or,  indeed,  even  in  the  best  of  times. 
Senator  Boot,  our  great  ex-Secretary  of  State,  has  re¬ 
cently  uttered  some  burning  words  illustrative  of  this 
fact,  and  has  made  an  urgent  appeal  to  our  own  people 
to  remain  cool  and  silent  in  times  of  international  diffi¬ 
culty,  to  demand  justice  and  not  triumph  at  the  hands  of 
their  agents,  and  to  honor  and  reward  their  diplomatists 


POLICE  VS.  ARMAMENTS 


85 


even  though  they  bring  home  defeat  of  national  claims. 
But  what  is  really  needed  to  secure  the  essence  rather 
than  the  semblance  of  law  and  justice  is  something  more 
than  coolness  and  silence  on  the  part  of  the  people, 
and  even  more  than  a  muzzle  and  kennel  for  the  dogs  of 
was ;  it  i^  a  genuine  international  court,  on  whose  bench 
neither  party’s  representatives  are  seated,  and  which 
will  sift  all  the  evidence  by  legal  methods  and  render 
a  judicial  verdict,  undisturbed  by  popular  clamor  and 
unaffriglited  by  the  shadow  of  armaments.  This  great 
institution  has  already  loomed  above  the  nations’  hori¬ 
zon,  and  is  even  now  within  their  grasp.  But  that  is  an¬ 
other  story ;  let  us  proceed  with  our  examination  of  the 
false  analogy  between  police  forces  and  armaments. 

In  the  second  place,  when  a  verdict  has  been  rendered, 
the  ministers  of  justice  who  execute  it  against  an  indi¬ 
vidual  are  still  the  impartial  agents  of  the  law ;  they 
inexorably  suppress  the  aggrieved  party’s  attempt  to 
secure  vengeance  or  indulge  hatred  against  his  enemy, 
and  they  enforce  the  sentence  of  the  court  regardless 
of  private  wishes  or  demands,  and  regardless  of  the 
nationality,  color  or  creed  of  the  condemned. 

On  the  other  hand,  when  a  nation  decides  for  itself 
that  another  nation  has  wronged  it,  it  sends  against  that 
nation  its  own  armed  forces,  and  yet  it  calls  them  agents 
of  justice.  Not  only  are  these  men  filled  with  patriotic 
love  of  their  own  country,  intent  on  doing  their  utmost 
for  it,  animated  by  the  blind  sentiment  of  "  my  country 
right  or  wrong,”  believing  that  their  fame,  fortune  and 
political  preferment  depend  on  what  they  can  achieve 
against  their  country’s  enemy  ;  but  also  they  are  often, 
indeed  inevitably,  filled  with  their  own  national,  racial  or 


86 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


religious  prejudice  against  the  "  dog  of  a  Christian,” 
or  "  the  accursed  Turk,”  or  the  "  American  hog”  or  the 
"  Spanish  hellhound.”  Even  in  civil  wars,  as  we  Ameri¬ 
cans  know  too  well,  the  military  "  ministers  of  justice  ” 
are  filled  with  bitter  hatred  of  their  former  fellow 
countrymen,  the  "  rebel”  or  the  "Yank.”  •  • 

Soldiers,  of  course,  are  sometimes  used  in  aid  of  the 
police  to  enforce  law  and  order  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  soldiers’  own  country.  At  such  times  they  form  in 
no  true  sense  of  the  word  an  army,  but  are  an  auxiliary 
of  the  police  force,  subject  to  the  same  sovereignty  and 
law  to  which  those  who  threaten  violence  are  subject ; 
and  even  when  acting  in  this  police  capacity  they  are 
rightfully,  as  we  shall  see,  carefully  circumscribed  by  the 
civil  authority. 

Again,  when  a  sentence  is  imposed  and  administered 
by  officers  of  the  law,  it  is  inflicted  upon  the  guilty  party 
and  is  designed  to  bear  strict  relation  to  the  crime  com¬ 
mitted.  In  warfare  the  innocent  suffer  always,  but  the 
guilty  may  not  only  escape  the  evils  of  the  war,  but  may 
even  prosper  by  it ;  while  the  "  indemnity  ”  demanded, 
or  the  "  satisfaction  ”  secured,  is  not  proportioned  to  the 
offense,  but  is  limited  only  by  ability  to  seize  or  by 
"  policy  ”  in  retaining.  Under  criminal  law  it  is  the  man 
who  has  committed  murder  who  enters  the  penitentiary 
or  mounts  the  gallows.  In  warfare  the  leader  of  a  mob 
against  resident  aliens,  or  the  promoter  of  a  financial 
enterprise  in  an  alien  country,  may  reap  military,  political 
and  financial  reward  as  the  result  of  a  successful  war 
stirred  up  by  his  lawless  violence  or  chicanery ;  while 
thousands  of  soldiers,  on  both  sides,  must  lay  down  their 
lives  or  their  health  and  strength  before  the  breath  of 


POLICE  VS.  ARMAMENTS 


87 


battle  or  disease,  and  other  thousands  of  noncombatants 
must  suffer  from  the  anguish  or  want  which  always 
accompany  the  most  "  merciful  ”  of  wars.  "  I  know  only 
one  thing  which  is  more  terrible  than  a  victory  on  the 
field  of  battle,”  said  one  who  knew  whereof  he  spoke, 
"and  that  is  a  defeat.”  "  War  is  hell,”  said  one  of  the 
most  renowned  of  American  generals ;  but  it  is  a  hell 
whose  tortures  fall  chiefly  upon  the  innocent. 

The  disproportion  between  the  original  offense  and 
the  satisfaction  exacted  for  it,  in  warfare,  is  one  of  the 
most  impressive  lessons  of  history.  "To  the  victors 
belong  the  spoils  ”  —  all  the  spoils  they  can  get  —  is  a 
precept  which  has  been  acted  upon  even  by  the  most 
advanced  of  nations.  England’s  ally  is  threatened  by 
France;  the  Seven  Years’  War  occurs  and  England  seizes 
and  retains  the  Canadian  and  Indian  empires.  Spanish 
sailors  in  Manila  harbor  fire  upon  American  ships,  and 
we  seize  and  retain  the  Philippines,  —  put  an  American 
"  yoke  ”  upon  them,  —  even  though  we  had  fought  for 
the  Filipinos  to  enable  them  to  throw  off  the  Spanish 
"  yoke.”  And  when,  having  exacted  perhaps  twenty 
times  the  amount  of  damages  suffered  from  China,  we 
return  to  her  a  large  part  of  our  spoils,  the  rest  of  the 
civilized  world  holds  up  its  hands  in  amazement  at 
such  Quixotic  stupidity,  or  suspects  that  we  are  trying 
to  ingratiate  ourselves  with  Chinese  officials  and  mer¬ 
chants.  Such  are  the  results  of  a  system  which  is  alleged 
to  be  merely  an  international  "  police  system,”  designed 
to  "punish”  crime  and  enforce  "justice.” 

In  the  next  place,  when  we  consider  the  respective 
weapons  and  methods  of  a  police  force  and  of  an  army 
or  navy,  we  recognize  another  difference  between  them. 


88 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


In  some  European  countries  the  policeman  is  armed  with 
a  sword ;  but  the  tendency  of  the  best  nations  is  to  arm 
him  only  with  a  club,  in  order  that  he  may  do  the  least 
necessary  amount  of  irreparable  damage  in  fulfilling  his 
•  duty.  He  is  taught  the  sacredness  of  human  life,  and  is 
made  by  rigid  discipline  to  feel  the  utmost  responsibility 
for  taking  human  life,  being  subjected  to  severe  investi¬ 
gation  even  in  clear  cases  of  self-defense,  and  being 
made  to  feel  that  homicide  is  absolutely  the  last  resort 
and  one  which  the  best  policemen  always  find  some  means 
of  avoiding.  On  the  other  hand,  the  soldier  and  sailor 
are  provided  with  the  most  perfect  of  death-dealing  de¬ 
vices  procurable,  and  a  corps  of  expert  scientists  are  ever 
busy  in  seeking  more  powerful  explosives  and  more  effec¬ 
tive  projectiles.  It  is  true  that  international  law,  thanks 
largely  to  the  two  Hague  Conferences,  now  prohibits  the 
use  of  certain  means  of  injuring  the  enemy  and  certain 
peculiarly  atrocious  kinds  of  projectiles  and  explosives, 
such  as  "  dum-dum  ”  bullets  and  asphyxiating  gases ; 
but  it  is  also  true  that  this  prohibition  was  secured  by 
men  of  peace,  in  opposition  to  the  military  spirit,  and 
only  after  a  long  and  bitter  struggle  with  most  of  the 
representatives  of  the  world’s  armies  and  navies,  foremost 
among  whom,  —  alas,  that  it  should  be  true  !  —  were  the 
naval  and  military  representatives  of  the  United  States 
of  America. 

Again,  taught  by  centuries  of  military  despotism,  the 
people  watch  with  jealous  eye  the  growth  and  power  of 
their  armaments,  and  especially  guard  the  civil  power,  as 
represented  by  the  policeman,  from  encroachment  on  the 
part  of  the  military  power,  as  represented  by  the  soldier. 
Even  hi  a  country  like  ours,  where  the  government  is 


POLICE  VS.  ARMAMENTS 


89 


by  and  for  the  people,  and  not  by. and  for  the  despot, 
the  civil  power  in  onr  cities,  states  and  nation  believes, 
and  acts  upon  the  belief,  that  eternal  vigilance  is  the 
price  of  liberty  from  military  domination.  Our  cities 
are  rightly  jealous  of  soldiers  of  any  kind  coming  to  the 
aid  of  the  police ;  our  states  are  right  in  dreading  the 
intervention  of  the  standing  army  in  aid  of  the  police 
force  or  constabulary,  and  in  preferring  a  resort  to  the 
militia  or  "  citizen  soldiery,”  which  is  merely  a  develop¬ 
ment  of  the  posse  comitatus ;  and  the  founders  of  our 
nation  were  right  in  placing  the  supreme  command  of 
the  army  and  navy  in  the  hands  of  civil  officials  —  the 
President  and  the  Secretary  of  War.  Under  even  these 
favorable  auspices,  and  bridled  by  such  constitutional 
checks,  the  fighting  spirit,  which  is  alien  to  the  true  civil¬ 
ian’s  character  but  which  is  natural  to  the  professional 
soldier,  makes  itself  manifest  in  times  of  profound  peace. 
Not  only  are  the  spirit  and  methods  of  courts-martial 
different  from  civil  courts,  but  the  attitude  toward  the 
sacredness  of  human  life  differs  radically  in  military 
and  in  civilian  circles.  For  example  :  A  sailor  was  killed 
recently  in  a  boxing  match  on  board  a  man-of-war  lying 
off  the  Massachusetts  coast ;  the  Massachusetts  officials 
made  a  determined  effort  to  secure  the  murderer  for  trial 
in  the  state  courts ;  but  federal  jurisdiction  supervened, 
and  the  naval  authorities,  "  while  regretting  that  death 
should  occur  from  boxing  exhibitions  in  the  navy,”  said 
that  "  no  blame  could  be  attached  to  any  one  unless 
subsequent  reports  should  disclose  that  the  men  should 
not  have  been  allowed  to  participate  in  such  a  contest 
because  either  of  them  was  physically  disqualified  to 
withstand  the  ordeal.”  A  similar  case  occurred  not  loim 

O 


90 


TIIE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


before  in  the  army,  on  the  Pacific  coast,  where  an  enlisted 
man  had  died  from  the  results  of  a  "  battle  royal,”  that 
is,  a  boxing  bout,  and  the  army  authorities  decided  that 
”  the  man  had  died  in  the  line  of  duty,”  that  is,  that  his 
slayer  should  remain  unmolested.  How  necessary  is 
Congressional  supervision  and  public  opinion  for  curbing 
this  military  attitude  toward  human  life,  even  among 
the  boys  who  are  being  trained  for  our  army  and  navy, 
has  been  made  manifest  many  times  during  recent  years 
at  West  Point  and  Annapolis.  From  the  military  point 
of  view  there  is  logic  in  the  contention  that  if  soldiers 
are  to  defend  the  nation  effectually  in  time  of  war  by 
killing  foreign  enemies,  they  should  be  allowed  in  the 
interests  of  military  skill  to  kill  each  other  in  time  of 
peace.  But  the  world  is  awaking  from  its  military  dream 
in  which  this  kind  of  logic  is  valid. 

Turning  now  from  the  fundamental  differences  be¬ 
tween  policemen  and  soldiers,  from  the  point  of  view  of 
the  punishment  of  crime,  let  us  consider  their  equally 
fundamental  differences  from  the  point  of  view  of  the 
prevention  of  crime. 

In  the  first  place,  the  history  of  jurisprudence  proves 
conclusively  that  a  properly  constituted  and  administered 
judicial  system,  including  the  police  force,  is  a  powerful 
deterrent  to  the  commission  of  crime.  A  just  and  im¬ 
partial  punishment  inflicted  under  the  "  majesty  of  the 
law  ”  upon  one  criminal  has  prevented  many  another 
potential  criminal  from  becoming  an  actual  one ;  and  it 
may  be  remarked,  in  passing,  that  capital  punishment, 
or  the  military  punishment,  is  the  least  efficacious  of 
all  in  the  prevention  of  crime.  It  is  the  fact  that  the 
criminal  has  received  an  impartial,  judicial  trial,  before 


POLICE  VS.  ARMAMENTS 


91 


his  punishment  is  inflicted,  that  creates  a  law-abiding 
attitude  and  habit  even  in  the  minds  of  the  criminally 
disposed. 

On  the  other  hand,  a  "  punishment  ”  inflicted  by  one 
nation’s  armed  forces  upon  another  nation  prevents  the 
recurrence  of  another  "  crime  ”  on  that  nation’s  part 
only  until  it  becomes  able,  or  thinks  it  has  become  able, 
to  commit  it  with  impunity.  England  seemed  to  have 
annihilated  the  power  of  France  in  1763,  but  France 
merely  waited  for  the  next  supposedly  favorable  oppor¬ 
tunity  to  secure  revenge,  which  came  with  the  outbreak 
of  the  W ar  of  the  American  Revolution ;  defeated  or 
"  punished  ”  again  in  that  war,  France  again,  in  less  than 
ten  years,  flew  at  her  despoiler’s  throat  and  strove  with 
her  in  a  conflict  which  lasted  for  nearly  a  quarter  of  a 
century.  And  so  it  would  doubtless  have  continued,  had 
it  not  been  for  the  shifting  of  European  politics  and  the 
rise  of  new  and  stronger  enmities. 

War  does  not  "  settle  ”  things  permanently,  but  it  has 
the  reverse  effect,  and  "  stirs  them  up  ”  worse  than  be¬ 
fore.  Defeated  nations  have  invariably  strained  every 
effort  to  become  capable  of  fighting  their  victorious 
enemies  again,  or  have  used  every  endeavor  to  form 
alliances  with  other  nations  against  them.  Hence  have 
arisen  dual,  triple,  quadruple  and  grand  alliances  and 
the  dreary  wars  for  the  "  balance  of  power”  which  have 
invariably  followed. 

Well,  say  the  advocates  of  great  armies  and  navies, 
if  it  is  not  warfare  which  prevents  international  crime 
and  more  warfare,  it  is  at  all  events  preparations  for 
warfare  which  have  this  result.  Hence  the  growth  of 
"  two-power  standards,”  " two-ocean  bases”  and  the  like; 


92 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


hence  also  the  launching  of  Dreadnoughts ,  equipment  with 
Maxim  guns,  lyddite,  etc.  "  If  you  wish  for  peace,  pre¬ 
pare  for  war,”  is  the  timeworn  expression  of  this  famil¬ 
iar  philosophy.  So  timeworn  is  it,  and  so  great  are  the 
names  associated  with  it,  that  its  adherents  cling  blindly 
to  it,  and  when  they  find  that  facts  are  at  variance  with 
it,  why,  so  much  the  worse  for  the  facts.  If  it  be  found 
that  England,  with  eighteen  miles  of  warships,  is  in  ever- 
imminent  danger  of  war  with  Germany,  then  the  fault  is 
not  with  the  ships  that  have  been  built,  but  with  those 
that  haven’t  been  built:  "Build  eighteen  miles  more  of 
warships  ”  ! 

It  is  this  philosophy  which  has  made  of  Europe  an 
armed  camp  and  has  filled  the  seas  with  men-of-war ;  it  is 
this  which  has  caused  Japan  to  develop  her  navy  and  army 
with  feverish  haste  and  attack  Russia  at  a  time  oppor¬ 
tune  for  victory ;  and  it  is  this  which  has  caused  a  cer¬ 
tain  circle  of  Chinese  statesmen  to  determine  to  develop 
China’s  military  resources,  to  seek  a  quarrel  with  some 
Occidental  state,  say  France,  and  to  "  beat  her  to  a 
frazzle,”  as  Japan  did  Russia,  in  order  that  it  might  win 
the  respect  of  the  Christian  Occident. 

When  this  feverish,  panicky  and  endless  competition 
between  the  nations  in  building  up  armaments  against 
each  other  is  considered,  the  ludicrous  fallacy  of  the 
analogy  between  armaments  and  police  in  the  prevention 
of  crime  is  apparent.  But  there  is  another  fundamental 
defect  in  the  analogy.  Police  systems  are  leveled  against 
the  criminal  and  the  would-be  criminal.  Armaments  are 
leveled  against  nations.  That  view  of  other  nations, 
which  looks  upon  them  as  a  gang  of  conscienceless  ban¬ 
dits,  is  as  false  as  it  is  ignorant  and  contemptible.  One 


POLICE  VS.  ARMAMENTS 


93 


goes  to  England  and  finds  a  civilized  people  wrought 
up  to  fever  heat  lest  the  faithless  German,  building 
more  warships  than  England  has,  should  pounce  down 
upon  her.  He  goes  to  Germany  and  finds  an  equally 
civilized  people  engaged  with  feverish  haste  in  "  laying 
down  the  keels  of  dreadnoughts  ”  to  prevent  the  per¬ 
fidious  Briton  from  perpetrating  crime  upon  the  Vater- 
land.  When  England  increases  her  genuine  police  force, 
the  German  does  not  multiply  his ;  when  the  German 
police  force  is  increased,  the  Briton  sleeps  none  the  less 
peacefully.  The  reason  for  this  difference  is  that  in  the 
one  case  a  genuine  police  force  is  in  question,  capable  of 
genuine  prevention  of  genuine  crime,  while  in  the  other 
case  a  sham  police  force  is  demanded  for  the  alleged 
prevention  of  imaginary  crime. 

How  fallacious  is  the  analogy  drawn  between  arma¬ 
ments  and  a  true  police  system  may  be  readily  seen  when 
one  compares  the  present  system  of  national  armaments 
with  a  system  under  which  all  the  world’s  armies  and 
navies,  vastly  reduced  in  size,  would  form  part  of  an 
international  force,  and  would  act  against  any  member 
of  the  family  of  nations  only  when  it  received  a  warrant 
for  so  doing  from  an  international  court  before  which 
the  delinquent  member  had  been  legally  and  impartially 
tried  and  sentenced.  Such  an  armament  would  indeed 
be  a  genuine  police  force  both  for  the  punishment  and 
prevention  of  genuine  international  crime  and  for  the 
enforcement  of  genuine  international  justice.  This  is 
an  ideal,  to  be  sure,  not  yet  realized ;  but  its  realization 
is  within  the  present  generation’s  grasp,  and  is  being 
worked  and  striven  for  by  the  world’s  brightest  intel¬ 
lects  and  truest  hearts.  Meanwhile  let  us  not  be  misled 


94 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


by  an  analogy  which  is  both  false  and  pernicious,  which 
will  not  bear  the  light  of  honest  scrutiny,  and  which  is 
retarding  the  realization  of  the  twentieth  century’s  high¬ 
est  and  most  practicable  international  ideal.  Let  us 
sweep  away  the  blundering  fallacy  that  any  national 
armament,  as  an  armament,  is  a  police  force ;  and  let  us 
not  permit  its  Old  World,  medieval  shadow  to  retard  the 
dawning  of  the  new  day  of  righteousness  and  justice. 


VIII 


ARBITRATION,  NOT  MORE  ARMAMENTS1 

Theodore  Roosevelt  has  been  the  fountainhead  of 
many  of  the  streams  of  public  interest  and  of  public  ben¬ 
efit  pouring  through  our  country  during  the  last  dozen 
years,  but  his  advocacy  of  a  great  American  navy  has 
added  an  element  of  great  public  menace.  The  cham¬ 
pionship  of  that  cause  by  the  late  Admiral  Evans  and 
Captain  Hobson,  or  even  by  the  editor  of  the  Outlook, 
has  not  been  nearly  so  important  as  is  its  advocacy  by 
Mr.  Roosevelt.  I  am  one  of  the  millions  of  Americans 
who  have  had  a  profound  respect  for  Mr.  Roosevelt’s  hon¬ 
esty  of  purpose,  and  a  genuine  admiration  for  his  great 
abilities.  I  am  also  one  of  the  millions  of  Americans 
who  deprecate  many  of  his  methods,  and  especially  do  I 
believe  that  his  method  of  preserving  international  peace 
is  radically  wrong  and  terribly  dangerous.  Gladly  and 
gratefully  I  recognize  the  services  rendered  by  him  to 
the  cause  of  peace,  in  some  ways.  I  do  not  forget  that 
it  was  on  his  initiative  that  the.  Hague  court  of  arbitra¬ 
tion  was  called  into  beneficent  activity ;  nor  do  I  forget 
that  it  was  due  largely  to  his  initiative  that  the  Peace 
of  Portsmouth  was  achieved  and  the  Russo-Japanese 
War  brought  to  an  end.  But  it  is  precisely  because  of 
his  character  and  ability,  and  because  of  such  services  as 
these  which  he  lias  rendered  to  the  cause  of  peace,  that 

1  This  address  was  first  given  in  August,  1908. 

95 


\ 


96 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


his  championship  of  a  great  armament  makes  him  the 
most  serious  menace  to  the  preservation  of  the  world’s 
peace.  He  is,  in  fact,  the  Dr.  Jekyll  and  Mr.  Hyde  of 
the  Peace  Movement.  This  is  a  serious  charge,  but  I  be¬ 
lieve  that  the  following  considerations  will  substantiate  it. 

European  statesmanship  for  centuries  acted  in  a  half¬ 
hearted  or  hypocritical  way  upon  the  old  adage  that  the 
best  way  to  preserve  the  peace  is  to  prepare  for  war. 
But  it  remained  for  Bismarck,  that  man  of  blood  and 
iron,  to  translate  the  old  adage  into  a  positive  philoso¬ 
phy,  and  apply  it  in  such  a  thoroughgoing  manner  that 
he  made  of  Prussia  an  armed  camp.  The  other  conti¬ 
nental  countries  of  Europe  followed  as  closely  as  possible 
in  the  path  marked  out  by  him,  and  to-day  we  have  the 
spectacle  of  Europe  bristling  with  bayonets  and  filled 
with  the  din  of  warlike  preparations  and  maneuvers,  all 
in  the  great  name  of  Peace. 

Across  the  English  Channel  this  barracks  philosophy 
of  peace  has  been  translated  into  a  big-navy  philosophy 
of  peace,  and  it  has  become  a  cardinal  doctrine  of  British 
statesmanship  that  Britain’s  navy  must  be  equal  in  fight¬ 
ing  strength  to  the  navies  of  any  other  two  powers. 

Across  the  Atlantic  the  big-navy  philosophy  of  peace 
has  been  adopted  by  Mr.  Roosevelt  and  his  school,  and 
Britain’s  "  two-power  policy  ”  has  been  translated  here 
into  a  "two-ocean  policy;’’  that  is,  the  maintenance  of 
fleets  on  both  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans  able  to 
cope  with  any  fleet  which  may  be  sent  against  them.  In 
support  of  this  new  gospel  of  peace,  missionaries  from 
North  Carolina  and  elsewhere  are  sowing  the  seed  which 
has  been  grown  in  the  editorial  gardens  of  the  Outlook 
and  in  Mr.  Roosevelt's  fields  of  statesmanship. 


ARBITRATION,  NOT  MORE  ARMAMENTS  97 


One  of  the  most  forcible  expositions  of  this  gospel 
with  which  I  am  familiar  is  Mr.  Roosevelt’s  address  at 
the  Naval  AVar  College  in  Newport  a  few  summers  ago.1 
This  address  was  not  intended,  as  Mr.  Roosevelt  said, 
for  the  naval  officers  in  his  audience,  but  was  intended 
as  a  message  to  the  great  body  of  American  citizens.  Yet 
about  three  of  its  paragraphs  were  devoted  to  assertions 
of  the  desirability  of  peace,  while  about  three  newspaper 
columns  were  devoted  to  an  exhortation  of  preparedness 
for  war.  Thus  it  very  forcibly  reminded  students  of  his¬ 
tory  of  that  jingle,  which  was  sung  so  often  in  ultra- 
Tory  England  in  the  seventies,  and  which  became  the 
swaggering  slogan  of  the  ridiculous  "  jingo  ”  school  of 
statesmen : 

We  don’t  want  to  fight, 

But,  by  jingo,  if  we  do, 

W e ’ve  got  the  ships, 

We ’ve  got  the  men, 

We  ’ve  got  the  money  too. 

The  "  big  stick  ”  of  the  President’s  argument  in  this 
address  contained  the  following  notches:  First,  we  need 
a  big  navy  in  order  to  enforce  our  immigration  policy ;  if 
we  desire  to  restrict  immigration  from  Italy,  Bohemia  or 
Japan,  we  must  be  ready  to  fight  for  it;  second,  we  need 
a  big  navy  to  enforce  the  Monroe  doctrine ;  third,  we 
need  a  navy  so  big  that  no  other  nation  will  dare  to  attack 
us;  and  fourth,  we  need  a  big  navy  which,  cutting  loose 
from  its  country’s  fortified  ports,  may  seek  out  its  oppo¬ 
nent  and  "hammer  that  opponent  until  he  quits  fighting.” 

Without  dwelling  here  on  the  first  two  arguments,  it 
may  be  said  of  the  first  that  the  United  States  has  found 


1  July,  1908. 


98 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


its  immigration  policy  in  danger  only  when  it  has  not 
lived  up  to  the  spirit  of  its  treaties  with  foreign  nations, 
or  when,  for  commercial  advantages,  promises  have  been 
made  to  foreign  nations  whose  fulfillment  would  not  have 
been  in  keeping  with  the  genius  of  our  civilization.  Of 
the  second  it  may  be  said  that  long  before  the  Roosevel- 
tian  regime  of  naval  expansion,  the  Monroe  doctrine  was 
enforced.  For  example,  President  Lincoln  and  Presi¬ 
dent  Cleveland  were  successful  in  this  direction,  and 
were  successful  in  neither  case  because  of  the  possession 
of  a  navy  or  threat  of  war,  but  because  of  the  enlightened 
public  opinion  which  put  a  brake  upon  the  pugnacious 
governments  concerned  —  in  France,  in  England  and  in 
the  United  States. 

The  third  argument  is  based  upon  that  cheerful  medie¬ 
val  view  of  one’s  neighbors  as  a  gang  of  bandits  ready 
to  seize  the  first  opportunity  of  indulging  themselves  in 
warfare  and  knavery.  In  view  of  the  pacific  develop¬ 
ment  of  modern  public  opinion  throughout  the  civilized 
world,  and  in  view  of  America’s  geographical  isolation 
and  her.  manifold  and  varied  advantages,  this  medieval 
view  of  the  family  of  nations  is,  on  the  face  of  it,  so 
absurd  that  it  makes  the  thoughtful  inquirer  suspect 
that  a  sinister  design  may  underlie  it.  It  is,  in  fact,  a  too 
palpable  reminder  of  those  good  old  times  when  military 
despots  procured  great  standing  armies  by  playing  upon 
the  fierce  and  ignorant  jealousies  of  their  subjects. 

Mr.  Roosevelt’s  fourth  argument  in  favor  of  a  great 
navy  in  the  interests  of  peace  is  a  naive  revelation  of  the 
true  logic  of  his  position.  The  candid  suggestion  that  our 
own  fleets  pursue  the  peaceful  and  carpenter-like  indus¬ 
try  of  "  hammering,”  while  our  opponents  are  engaged  in 


ARBITRATION,  NOT  MORE  ARMAMENTS  99 


the  warlike  and  savage  brutality  of  "  fighting,”  provokes 
an  involuntary  smile.  But  this  argument  is  no  laughing 
matter  to  the  genuine  lover  of  peace  and  arbitration.  It 
constitutes  the  chip  upon  Uncle  Sam’s  shoulder  which 
foreigners  are  dared  to  knock  off  at  their  peril. 

The  folly  and  the  wickedness  of  enormously  increasing 
armaments  may  be  illustrated  in  many  ways.  But  over 
against  the  four  arguments  noted  above  may  be  men¬ 
tioned  here  the  four  following : 

First,  the  economic  burden  of  great  armaments  has 
been  proved  by  columns  of  statistics.  The  enormous 
sums  which  are  expended  upon  armaments,  and  which 
leave  some  nations  so  poor  when  war  comes  that  they 
are  helpless  to  pursue  it  to  a  successful  conclusion,  are 
patent  to  all.  But  the  misdirection  of  labor  and  capital 
applied  to  such  uses  is  especially  to  be  resented  in  a 
country  whose  natural  resources  are  in  such  need  of 
development  as  are  ours.  President  Roosevelt’s  con¬ 
ference  with  the  governors  in  regard  to  the  preservation 
and  development  of  our  natural  resources,  and  his  com¬ 
mission  on  the  improvement  of  the  condition  of  the 
American  farmer,  could  be  very  materially  aided  by 
diverting  to  them  a  portion  of  the  government’s  military 
and  naval  appropriations,  which  have  increased  to  almost 
three  fifths  of  the  total  appropriations.  The  present  naval 
policy  seems  destined  to  result  in  each  of  the  states 
of  the  Union  having  as  its  namesake  a  man-of-war.  A 
short  mathematical  calculation  would  reveal  the  number 
of  miles  of  macadamized  roads  or  the  development  in  the 
educational  system  which  might  be  procured  in  each  state 
by  foregoing  the  honor  of  being  presented  with  a  naval 
leviathan  as  a  namesake. 


100  THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 

Second,  not  only  is  the  expense  of  building  and  main¬ 
taining  a  warship  (which  is  said  to  be  equivalent  to  the 
endowment  and  maintenance  of  a  first-class  university, 
like  Johns  Hopkins)  to  be  deplored,  but  its  folly  is 
apparent  when  the  said  ship’s  short  life  of  usefulness 
is  considered.  We  are  told  that  the  "life”  of  the  best 
men-of-war  is  from  twelve  to  twenty  years,  and  this 
means  that  every  generation  must  not  only  build  but 
rebuild  its  fleet  of  warships.  We  are  told  also  that 
ships  of  the  dreadnought  type  are  supremely  valuable 
as  fighters  only,  and  that  they  have  no  proportionate 
power  of  defense.  Certain  it  is  that  the  invention  of 
new  devices  of  attack  has  made  ships  of  the  very  best- 
known  type  obsolete  within  a  very  few  years.  And  if 
the  present  rate  of  development  in  the  art  of  navi¬ 
gating  the  air  is  maintained  for  a  few  years,  the  entire 
armaments  of  civilized  nations  on  land  and  sea  will  be 
worth,  for  fighting  purposes,  an  equivalent  quantity  of 
old  junk.  The  folly  of  the  big-and-bigger-and-biggest- 
navy  policy  is  apparent  also  when  we  remember  that  a 
"  big  navy  ”  or  a  "big  stick”  is  only  a  relative  term.  We 
are  told  that  in  1907  the  United  States  achieved  second 
place  hi  the  list  of  naval  powers,  but  that  Germany  and 
Japan  have  been  making  frantic  efforts  to  oust  us  from 
that  position.  Our  stick  may  be  a  big  one  when  it  is 
ten  feet  long,  while  Germany’s  or  Japan’s  is  only  five 
feet  long,  but  when  theirs  grows  to  ten  feet,  our  stick 
will  no  longer  be  a  big  one.  If  England  is  determined 
to  maintain  a  navy  equal  to  that  of  any  other  two 
powers,  and  we  are  determined  to  maintain  a  fleet  on 
both  oceans  capable  of  coping  with  any  which  may  be 
sent  against  it,  we  revive  the  old  mathematical  puzzle 


ARBITRATION,  NOT  MORE  ARMAMENTS  101 


of  an  irresistible  force  meeting  an  immovable  obstacle. 
Sensible  men  are  therefore  inquiring  where  this  policy 
is  to  end. 

Third,  Colonel  Roosevelt’s  armament  policy  invites  the 
very  evil  of  warfare  which  he  deplores.  He  looks  upon 
his  navy  as  merely  a  means  of  defense ;  other  nations 
inevitably  regard  it  as  a  defiance  and  a  menace.  The 
very  worst  feature  of  the  big-navy  policy,  then,  — 
immeasurably  worse  than  its  expense  and  its  folly  from* 
the  fighting  point  of  view,  —  is  that  it  is  the  chief 
obstacle  to  the  adoption  of  international  arbitration. 
Both  reason  and  experience  prove  that  it  has  this  dis¬ 
astrous  result. 

If  in  a  "  state  of  nature  ”  my  neighbor  and  I  should 
desire  to  establish  a  court  for  the  adjudication  of  differ¬ 
ences  between  us,  the  worst  possible  method  of  procedure 
to  accomplish  that  end  would  be  to  equip  our  lawns  with 
bulldogs,  tigers,  lions  and  all  the  animals  of  the  jungle. 
If,  for  alleged  purposes  of  defense,  I  were  so  to  equip 
my  lawn,  my  neighbor  would  inevitably  look  upon  me 
either  as  a  hypocrite  in  pretending  to  desire  a  court,  or 
as  a  bully  who  did  not  intend  to  abide  by  the  decisions 
of  a  court.  And  if  he  were  to  follow  my  example  and 
"  defend  ”  his  lawn  in  a  similar  manner,  the  results  would 
be  not  the  establishment  of  a  court  but  such  a  fight  as 
the  jungle  never  saw. 

At  the  First  Hague  Conference,  Count  Munster  of 
Germany  and  Admiral  Fisher  of  Great  Britain  are  re¬ 
ported  to  have  opposed  Lord  Pauncefote’s  plan  for  a 
court  of  arbitration,  for  the  reason  that,  since  Germany’s 
army  and  Britain’s  fleet  were  ready  and  able  to  crush 
their  opponents  on  short  notice,  it  would  be  foolish  for 


102 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


them  to  submit  their  differences  to  a  court  of  arbitration 
and  thus  to  give  their  opponents  time  for  preparing  their 
defense.  When  Ruy  Barbosa  of  Brazil  was  asserting 
against  Mr.  Choate’s  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice  the  argu¬ 
ment  of  the  equality  of  sovereign  states,  there  rolled 
beneath  his  words  and  within  the  hearts  of  the  represent¬ 
atives  of  other  smaller  states  the  conviction  that  the 
United  States  was  not  sincere  in  its  attempt  to  establish 
?a  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice.  With  the  shadow  of  a  con¬ 
stantly  increasing  navy  behind  our  American  delegation, 
it  was  unable  to  overcome  the  sentiment  of  its  opponents, 
expressed  in  private  and  not  forgotten  in  public,  "We 
do  not  trust  you,  gentlemen.” 

When  trial  by  jury  for  criminal  offenses  took  the  place 
of  trial  by  battle,  the  great  reform  was  not  accomplished 
by  increasing  the  weight  of  the  armor  or  lengthening 
the  spears  of  England’s  citizens.  The  history  of  dis¬ 
armament  on  the  Great  Lakes  between  the  United  States 
and  Canada,  and  of  the  limitation  of  armaments  on  the 
frontier  between  Chile  and  Argentina,  as  well  as  the 
story  of  the  increase  of  armaments  on  the  Transvaal- 
Cape  Colony  boundary  and  in  the  Rhineland,  are  fur¬ 
ther  facts  which  show  the  foolishness  and  the  failure 
of  the  attempt  to  enforce  arbitration  by  means  of  in¬ 
creasing  armaments. 

In  view,  then,  of  the  plain  lesson  taught  by  reason 
and  experience  as  to  the  inevitable  and  insuperable  an¬ 
tagonism  between  increasing  armaments  and  increas¬ 
ing  arbitration,  it  is  an  outrage  that  the  activities  of 
certain  so-called  peace  associations  and  of  "  statesmen  ” 
of  the  Rooseveltian  brand  should  be  permitted  to  handi¬ 
cap  the  work  of  such  truly  international  statesmen  as 


ARBITRATION,  NOT  MORE  ARMAMENTS  103 


Mr.  Choate  and  M.  Bourgeois  in  their  efforts  in  behalf 
of  arbitral  justice. 

Fourth,  the  increasing-armaments  policy  is  bitterly  re¬ 
sented  by  millions  of  Americans  because  it  is  dethroning 
the  ideal  of  America  as  the  Sir  Galahad  among  nations. 
There  was  a  time  when  it  could  be  truly  said,  and  with¬ 
out  a  shadow  of  doubt  or  suspicion  on  the  part  of  the 
other  members  of  the  family  of  nations,  that  our  country’s 
strength  was  as  the  strength  of  ten  because  its  heart  was 
pure.  That  ideal  of  the  youthful,  peaceful  giant  of  the 
west,  whose  ports  were  without  a  gun  and  whose  war¬ 
ships  were  designed  solely  to  perform  the  police  duty  of 
the  seas,  has  been  trailed  in  the  dust  before  the  nations, 
and  we  are  fast  coming  to  be  classed  with  those  mili¬ 
tary  despots  who,  from  the  time  of  Babylon  and  ancient 
Rome,  have  made  a  desert  and  called  it  Peace. 

When  Madame  Roland  ascended  the  guillotine  during 
the  French  revolutionary  terror  and  looked  around  her 
upon  the  emblems  —  the  "liberty  caps”  and  "citizens’ 
costumes  ”  —  of  so-called  liberty,  and  upon  the  bodies 
and  blood  of  the  guillotine’s  victims,  she  exclaimed, 
"  O  Liberty,  Liberty,  what  crimes  are  committed  in  thy 
name !  ”  And  when  the  advocate  of  peace  by  means  of 
arbitration  hears  arbitration  acclaimed  by  those  who  are 
intent  on  the  indefinite  and  enormous  increase  of  our 
army  and  navy,  he  may  well  exclaim,  "  O  Peace,  Peace, 
what  crimes  are  committed  in  thy  name !  ” 

Let  us,  then,  before  it  is  too  late,  —  before  the  poison 
in  the  editorial  columns  of  the  Outlook ,  written  and  to  be 
written,  and  in  other  journals  of  similar  animus,  has  irre¬ 
trievably  entered  into  the  blood  of  our  nation,  —  let  us 
put  an  end  in  our  New  World  to  this  pernicious  peace 


104 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


philosophy  of  the  Old  W orld’s  men  of  blood  and  iron  ;  let 
us  make  right,  and  not  might,  our  motto ;  let  us  make 
justice,  and  not  victory  on  land  or  sea,  our  aim ;  let  us 
make  arbitration,  and  not  armaments,  our  method ;  and 
let  us  seek  as  our  leader  toward  the  goal  of  international 
peace,  not  the  god  of  battles  but  the  Prince  of  Peace. 


IX 


THE  WORLD’S  TWO  VICIOUS  CIRCLES 

The  fallacy  of  petitio  principii ,  familiarly  known  as 
"  begging  the  question  ”  or  "  arguing  in  a  circle,”  is  so 
frequently  met  with  in  logic  and  in  real  life  that  one 
might  suppose  that  responsible  statesmen  would  have 
long  ago  learned  to  avoid  it  both  in  their  mental  proc¬ 
esses  and  in  their  political  activities.  But,  like  Ban- 
quo’s  ghost,  it  is  difficult  to  lay,  and  it  still  haunts  the 
world  in  this  twentieth  century  of  enlightenment,  and 
frightens  it  into  particularly  pernicious  sins  of  omission 
and  commission. 

These  sins  are  most  flagrant,  perhaps,  when  the  world 
attempts  to  regulate  its  international  relations.  Each 
nation,  for  example,  argues  that  it  can  protect  its  own 
peace  only  or  best  by  increasing  its  armaments ;  and  ac¬ 
cordingly  each  of  the  circle  of  forty-odd  nations  is  fever¬ 
ishly  engaged  in  the  edifying  task  of  out-arming,  to  the 
best  of  its  abilities,  each  of  the  others.  Great  Britain, 
assured  that  her  own  peace  and  the  peace  of  the  world 
is  threatened  by  the  menace  of  the  Teuton,  lays  down 
the  keels  of  two  dreadnoughts ;  Germany,  perceiving 
the  portentous  shadow  of  the  advancing  Briton,  lays 
down  the  keels  of  two  superdreadnoughts.  This  gives  to 
Great  Britain  a  realizing  sense  of  the  inadequacy  of  her 
twenty-eight  miles  of  warships,  and  in  order  to  avoid 

105 . 


106 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


another  panic  such  as  the  German  superdreadnoughts 
caused  her,  she  increases  her  per  capita  naval  expendi¬ 
tures  within  ten  years  by  48  per  cent ;  Germany  "  goes 
her  several  better  ”  and  increases  her  per  capita  naval 
expenditures  within  ten  years  by  119  per  cent.  Some 
American  "  statesmen  ”  dream  of  the  menace  of  Germany 
in  South  America  or  of  Japan  upon  the  Pacific,  and  the 
United  States,  frightened  by  such  nightmares,  increases 
her  per  capita  naval  expenditures  within  ten  years  by 
64  per  cent.  Japan,  emulating  her  Occidental  school¬ 
teachers  in  their  fallacious  logic,  and  postulating  the  im¬ 
possibility  of  having  too  much  of  a  good  thing,  increases 
her  per  capita  naval  expenditures  within  ten  years  by 
187  per  cent.  The  other  four  "great  powers,"  caught  up 
in  the  same  frenzy  of  fallacious  logic  and  futile  competi¬ 
tion,  convert  their  national  resources  into  dreadnoughts, 
and  all  eight  together  expend  upon  their  navies  within  ten 
years  the  almost  unimaginable  sum  of  $5,600,000,000 ! 1 

Thus  the  vicious  circle  is  formed ;  the  small  members 
of  the  family  of  nations  join  in  the  frenzied  competition 
for  big,  bigger,  biggest  armaments,  and,  like  the  serpents 
of  an  African  jungle,  each  struggles  and  strains  to  raise 
its  head  high  above  the  others.  But  how  much  like  a 
will-o’-the-wisp  is  the  peace  based  upon  such  a  chain  of 
reasoning  is  shown  by  the  continually  precarious  and 
fragile  character  of  that  peace,  while  above  it  broods  the 
shadow  of  a  menacing  Armageddon  unrivaled  in  history 
or  prophecy.  It  may  well  be  said  in  solemn  truth  of  the 
world’s  incessant  building  of  armaments  in  its  search  for 
an  assured  peace : 

1  These  figures  are  taken  from  the  British  Admiralty’s  white  paper  of 
October,  1911. 


THE  WORLD’S  TWO  VICIOUS  CIRCLES  107 


Ye  build  and  ye  build, 

B  ut  ye  enter,  not  in  ! 

Like  the  tribes  whom  the  desert 
Devoured  in  their  sin. 

So  much  for  the  great  sin  of  commission  in  the  inter¬ 
national  relations  of  our  time.  But  perhaps  even  worse 
than  this  barracks-and-warship  attempt  to  preserve  the 
peace  between  nations  has  been  the  refusal  to  adopt 
treaties  providing  for  the  submission  of  all  international 
disputes  to  arbitral  tribunals. 

This  great  sin  of  omission  is  also  based  on  the  argu¬ 
ment  of  the  vicious  circle.  International  arbitration  is  a 
good  thing,  but  the  only  way  to  preserve  it  at  all  is  to 
refuse  to  arbitrate  "  certain  ”  classes  of  disputes  which 
are  "  impossible  ”  of  arbitration  :  thus  is  the  great  ques¬ 
tion  begged.  It  was  begged  in  the  same  way  seven 
centuries  ago  when  the  champions  of  trial  by  battle  vo¬ 
ciferated  the  "  impossibility  ”  of  submitting  ”  questions 
of  honor  ”  to  trial  by  jury.  It  was  begged  in  the  same 
way  one  century  ago  when  the  Hamiltons  and  Burrs  of 
the  period  asserted  the  "  impossibility  ”  of  defying  in 
"  certain  ”  cases  the  "  code  of  honor.”  It  is  begged  in 
the  same  way  to-day  when  murderers  oppose  ”  the  un¬ 
written  law  ”  to  the  statute  law  of  the  civilized  world, 
and  when  the  lovers  of  the  "  big  stick  ”  deny  that  justice 
can  be  secured  in  ”  certain  cases  ”  before  international 
tribunals. 

"  I  cannot  arbitrate  a  slap  on  my  wife’s  cheek,”  cries 
one  strident  voice  ;  "  therefore  the  United  States  cannot 
agree  to  arbitrate  all  its  disputes  with  other  nations !  ” 
Let  your  wife  conduct  herself  as  most  modest  women  do 
and  not  get  her  cheeks  slapped ;  or,  let  the  unprovoked 


108 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


slapper  be  sent  to  jail :  such  might  seem  to  be  obvious 
ways  out  of  this  not  very  intricate  logical  tangle. 

"  Uncle  Sam  cannot  stand  by  and  see  Germany  gobble 
Venezuela,”  shrieks  another  chorus  of  voices  ;  "  therefore 
the  United  States  cannot  agree  to  arbitrate  all  its  dis¬ 
putes  with  other  nations.”  But  only  a  few  years  ago 
Uncle  Sam  threatened  to  fight  "  at  the  drop  of  the  hat” 
if  Great  Britain  should  refuse  to  arbitrate  her  claim  to  a 
part  of  V enezuela.  It  would  seem  that  if  we  are  willing 
to  fight  to  enforce  the  arbitration  of  questions  arising 
under  the  Monroe  doctrine,  we  might  be  willing  to  ac¬ 
cept  the  solemn  promise  of  other  nations  to  submit  such 
questions  to  arbitration. 

"  There  are  certain  questions  which  cannot  possibly 
be  submitted  to  arbitration ;  therefore  we  cannot  accept 
the  decision  of  impartial  judges,  even  of  those  whom  we 
help  to  select  ourselves,  as  to  the  possibility  of  arbitrat¬ 
ing  disputes.”  So  runs  the  petitio  principii.  Why  not 
be  entirely  honest  and  declare  that  we  ourselves  prefer 
to  be  the  judge  in  all  cases  in  which  we  are  concerned; 
or,  shamed  out  of  that  position  by  a  growing  sense  of 
international  fair  play,  declare  that  if  we  cannot  be  the 
judge  we  will  at  all  events  be  the  grand  jury  and  insist 
on  the  right  of  presenting  for  trial  every  case  in  which 
we  are  concerned  ? 

"No  sovereign  state  shall  be  brought  into  court  with¬ 
out  its  own  consent”  —  such  is  the  international  appli¬ 
cation  by  the  United  States  Senate  of  the  eleventh 
amendment  .to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
But  it  was  one  of  the  prime  objects  of  that  immortal 
Constitution  to  surround  the  exercise  of  sovereignty  by 
the  strongest  barriers  of  justice ;  and  it  was  the  United 


THE  WORLD’S  TWO  VICIOUS  CIRCLES 


109 


States  Senate  which  was  made  the  special  guardian  of 
those  barriers  and  the  special  defender  of  justice  against 
an  overweening  sovereignty.  The  Senate,  by  opposing 
the  adoption  of  the  treaties  of  arbitration  of  1911,  was 
repudiating  the  reason  for  its  existence  and  stultifying 
the  most  noteworthy  achievements  of  its  career,  so  far 
as  our  own  national  government  is  concerned,  while  in 
regard  to  other  nations  it  is  re-enacting  the  role  played 
in  1787-1789  by  the  ultraconservative  opponents  of  the 
formation  of  the  Union. 

"  For  the  Senate  to  permit  some  other  body  to  decide 
on  the  arbitrable  character  of  international  disputes 
Avould  be  to  ignore  a  prime  duty  imposed  upon  it  by  the 
Constitution” — such  is  another  prop  of  its  non  pos- 
sumus.  But  if  it  ratifies  a  general  treaty  which  submits 
all  arbitrable  questions  to  arbitration,  it  thereby  sanc¬ 
tions  the  creation  of  commissions  appointed  to  decide  on 
such  arbitrability,  and  thus  performs  its  constitutional 
duty  by  both  the  general  treaty  and  the  application  of 
it ;  for  surely  this  is  a  case  of  the  whole  comprising  all 
of  the  parts,  of  the  general  treaty  comprising  the  several 
compromis.  Moreover,  the  constitutional  duty  of  the 
Senate  in  relation  to  treaties  is  neither  judicial  nor 
executive,  but  legislative.  Once  it  has  performed  its 
duty  in  placing  a  treaty  upon  the  statute  book  of  the 
land,  it  has  no  further  concern,  except  as  a  branch  of 
the  legislative  department,  with  either  its  interpretation 
or  its  execution. 

Of  course  it  was  an  unprecedented  step  which  the 
President  was  asking  the  Senate  and  the  country  to 
take ;  and  precisely  therein  lies  its  greatness.  In  the 
year  of  grace  1911  our  nation  was  summoned  by  its 


110 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


President  to  lead  the  world  in  another  "  present  crisis 
and  to  this  crisis  also  may  be  applied  the  poet’s  deathless 
words  of  a  half  century  ago : 

At  the  birth  of  each  new  Era,  with  a  recognizing  start, 

Nation  wildly  looks  at  nation,  standing  with  mute  lips 
apart, 

And  glad  Truth’s  yet  mightier  man-child  leaps  beneath 
the  Future’s  heart.  .  .  . 

For  mankind  are  one  in  spirit,  and  an  instinct  bears 
along, 

Round  the  earth’s  electric  circle,  the  swift  flash  of  right 
or  wrong ; 

Whether  conscious  or  unconscious,  yet  Humanity’s  vast 
frame 

Through  its  ocean-sundered  fibers  feels  the  gush  of  joy 
or  shame :  — 

In  the  gain  or  loss  of  one  race  all  the  rest  have  equal 
claim. 

Under  the  inspiration  of  such  a  summons  as  came 

* 

from  our  present  leader  and  our  past  history,  should  we 
have  hesitated  until  "  the  Doom  from  its  worn  sandals 
shook  the  dust  against  our  land  ”  ?  Should  we,  rather, 
have  turned  our  backs  definitely  upon  the  bloody  fal¬ 
lacies  of  the  past  and  our  faces  toward  the  great  light 
which  illumines  the  future,  discarding  the  engines  of 
warfare  and  giving  our  unquestioning  loyalty  to  the 
efficacy  and  right  of  Justice  $ 


X 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  PEACE  POWER  UPON 

HISTORY 1 

Captain  ( now  Admiral )  Alfred  Thayer  Mahan,  re¬ 
tired,  of  the  United  States  Navy,  and  member  of  the  first 
Peace  Conference  at  The  Hague,  has  written  a  book 
which  the  English-speaking  world,  in  its  moments  of 
ease,  greatly  loves  to  read.  This  book  is  a  glorification 
of  the  part  played  in  history  by  the  British  and  Ameri¬ 
can  navies,  and  is  entitled  "  The  Influence  of  Sea  Power 
upon  History.”  I  am  informed  that  it  has  been  re¬ 
printed  twenty  times  within  nineteen  years.  It  is  true, 
as  some  advertising  pages  in  its  back  proclaim,  that  the 
War  and  Navy  Departments  of  the  United  States  Gov¬ 
ernment  purchased  one  large  impression  of  it  for  use  in 
the  libraries  of  our  army  and  navy,  and  that  the  British 
Government  supplied  copies  of  it  to  the  cruising  ships 
of  the  royal  navy ;  and  this,  of  course,  accounts  for  a 
good  many  of  the  copies  that  its  publishers  have  dis¬ 
posed  of.  But  it  is  also  true  that  the  student  of  history 
and  the  general  reader,  although  not  entirely  agreeing 
with  the  British  Admiral  Try  on’s  verdict  that  "it  is  the 
best  thing  ever  written,”  have  nevertheless  accorded  it 
a  splendid  market.  Captain  Mahan,  accordingly,  has 
achieved  fame,  fortune  and  high  position.  So  did  Prince 

!An  address  before  the  History  Teachers’  Association  of  the  Middle 
States  and  Maryland,  1909. 


Ill 


112 


THE  NEAV  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


Metternich ;  and,  like  Metternich,  Captain  Mahan  is  a 
reactionary.  It  is  true  that  as  the  servant  of  a  govern¬ 
ment  of  the  people,  by  the  people  and  for  the  people, 
on  the  eve  of  the  twentieth  century,  Captain  Mahan  has 
not  had  the  golden  opportunity  for  political  reaction 
which  was  afforded  the  Austrian  minister  in  the  palmy 
days  of  the  Holy  Alliance ;  but  in  his  day  and  in  his 
way  he  has  proved  worthy  of  his  Old-World  prototype. 

For  example,  as  a  delegate  of  the  United  States  Gov¬ 
ernment  to  the  First  Peace  Conference  at  The  Hague,  in 
the  year  that  his  glorification  of  sea  power  reached  its 
fifteenth  impression,  he  was  permitted  to  cast  the  vote  of 
the  United  States  delegation  against  the  prohibition  of 
the  use  of  projectiles,  the  object  of  which  is  the  diffu¬ 
sion  of  asphyxiating  or  deleterious  gases.  The  American 
and  the  British  votes  were  the  only  negative  ones  cast 
against  this  humane  and  progressive  prohibition,  which 
was  adopted  by  the  twenty-four  other  delegations  pres¬ 
ent.  At  the  Second  Hague  Conference  the  British  Gov¬ 
ernment  gave  in  its  adhesion  to  this  prohibition,  and  the 
Latin  American  republics,  then  represented  for  the  first 
time,  did  the  same.  Thus,  thanks  to  Captain  Mahan’s 
action  in  1899  and  his  continued  influence  in  United 
States  naval  circles  in  1907,  our  country  stands  alone 
among  the  world’s  forty -five  powers  on  the  reactionary 
and  inhuman  side  of  the  question  of  asphyxiating  pro¬ 
jectiles. 

Again,  in  the  First  Hague  Conference  Captain  Mahan 
joined  forces  with  his  army  colleague,  Captain  William 
Crozier,  to  cast  the  vote  of  the  United  States  against 
the  prohibition  of  the  use  of  "  dum-dum  ”  bullets,  which 
had  earned  the  reputation  of  inflicting  jagged  and 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  PEACE  POWER 


113 


unnecessarily  cruel  wounds.  On  this  occasion  the  British 
and  Portuguese  delegations  were  the  only  others  of  the 
twenty-six  present  which  cast  negative  votes,  and  of 
these  the  British  Government  had  the  interest  of  the 
inventor  and  proprietor  in  defending  the  obnoxious  bul¬ 
lets.  At  the  second  Conference  the  British  and  Portu¬ 
guese  Governments  yielded  to  the  enlightened  public 
opinion  of  the  civilized  world  and  gave  in  their  adhesion 
to  the  prohibition  of  1899,  and  the  Latin  American  re¬ 
publics  did  the  same;  but  the  United  States  Govern¬ 
ment  still  stands  by  its  guns,  or  bullets,  or  Captain 
Mahan.  Thus,  although  "  dum-dum  ”  bullets  were  orig¬ 
inally  British  chestnuts,  and  although  they  have  been 
pronounced  worm-eaten  by  the  British  themselves,  our 
United  States  Government,  thanks  largely  to  Captain 
Mahan’s  reactionary  principles,  still  insists  on  pulling 
them  out  of  the  fire.  Prince  Metternich,  intent  on  pluck¬ 
ing  the  princely  power  of  the  old  regime  from  the  ashes 
of  the  French  Revolution’s  conflagration  and  opposing  it 
to  the  rising  tide  of  popular  sovereignty,  would  have 
had  a  warm  feeling  of  fellowship  with  our  American 
captain’s  opposition  of  asphyxiating  gases  and  "  dum¬ 
dum  ”  bullets  to  the  twentieth  century’s  rising  tide  of 
humanity  and  justice  toward  every  member  of  the  fam¬ 
ily  of  nations. 

Again,  Captain  Mahan  is  one  of  the  chief  leaders  in 
that  coterie  of  promoters  of  a  big  navy,  some  of  whom 
insist  that  this  country  shall  have  peace  at  any  price,  no 
matter  how  many  billions  we  may  have  .to  expend  on 
dreadnoughts,  or  how  many  wars  we  may  have  to  fight, 
to  retain  and  protect  it.  But  the  newborn  and  singular 
doctrine  of  some  of  these  promoters,  that  enormously 


114 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


and  indefinitely  increasing  armaments  is  the  best  way 
to  insure  international  arbitration,  is  frankly  rejected  by 
Captain  Mahan,  whose  naval  commission  recently  pub¬ 
lished  as  axiomatic  the  assertion  that  there  should  be  no 
check  nor  change  of  method  in  expanding  from  a  state 
of  peace  to  a  state  of  war.  For  "  this  is  not  militarism,” 
the  commission  argued ;  "  it  is  a  simple  business  princi¬ 
ple  based  upon  the  fact  that  success  in  war  is  the  only 
return  the  people  and  the  nation  can  get  from  the  invest¬ 
ment  of  many  millions  in  the  building  and  maintenance 
of  a  great  navy.” 

Fortunately,  this  distinguished  naval  officer  of  ours 
was  not  permitted  to  lay  his  frosty  hand  upon  the  Per¬ 
manent  Court  of  Arbitration  established  in  1899  by  such 
truly  American  representatives  as  Andrew  D.  White  and 
Frederick  W.  Holls,  and  by  such  progressive  interna¬ 
tional  statesmen  as  Lord  Pauncefote,  Count  Nigra, 
Chevalier  Descamps  and  Leon  Bourgeois.  In  such  com¬ 
pany  as  this,  Captain  Mahan  must  have  felt  as  much  at 
home  as  Metternich  would  have  done  in  the  midst  of  a 
circle  composed  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  George  Canning 
and  John  Quincy  Adams.  On  the  other  hand,  he  was 
undoubtedly  fitted,  as  a  writer  in  the  Fortnightly  Review 
remarked,  —  a  remark  which  is  also  quoted  in  the  back 
of  his  book  on  sea  power, —  he  was  undoubtedly  fitted 
"  by  nature  as  well  as  by  training  for  the  work  to  which 
he  happily  turned  his  hand.” 

This  work  included,  among  other  things,  as  I  have 
said,  a  book  on  ”  The  Influence  of  Sea  Power  upon  His¬ 
tory.”  I  need  not  review  that  book  before  this  associa¬ 
tion  of  history  teachers,  for,  in  common  with  thousands 
of  our  colleagues,  most  of  us  have  probably  devoted 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  PEACE  POWER 


115 


many  precious  hours  to  exploiting  its  pages  before  our 
classes.  I  desire  here  merely  to  point  out  the  ruling 
passion  of  its  author  and  to  indicate  its  place  in  his¬ 
torical  literature.  As  Captain  Mahan  in  his  reactionary 
internationalism  reminds  us  of  Prince  Metternich,  so  in 
the  themes  of  his  book  he  recalls  Sir  Walter  Scott  and 
Baron  Jomini. 

As  the  rise  of  industry  in  the  cities  of  medieval  Europe 
made  of  the  feudal  castle  a  picturesque  ruin  and  obscured 
the  robber  baron  hi  a  mist  of  romantic  glamor,  so  the 
rise  of  the  peace  power  to  supremacy  is  converting  the 
cavalry  squadron  into  a  constable’s  staff  and  the  warship 
into  a  policeman’s  club.  Sir  Walter  Scott  has  embalmed 
in  literature  for  the  amused  interest  of  posterity  the 
jousts  and  tournaments  of  the  days  of  chivalry ;  and 
Jomini  and  Mahan,  taking  their  themes  more  seriously, 
to  be  sure,  because  their  proximity  made  them  loom  the 
larger,  have  recorded  the  strategy  and  tactics,  the  buffet¬ 
ing  and  butting  and  buffeting  of  guns  and  bayonets,  of 
rams  and  rigging.  How  we  are  thrilled  in  the  pages  of 
Mahan  by  "  the  great  smashing  effect  of  carronades,”  or 
"  the  great  penetrative  power  of  long-range  guns”;  how 
breathlessly  we  pursue  "  the  tactical  uniformity  of  action,” 
and  "  the  attack  by  lee  or  weather  gauge  ”  ;  and  how  we 
are  led  to  marvel  that  a  certain  attempt  should  have 
been  made  to  "  carry  by  boarding  ”  instead  of  to  "  sink 
by  ramming  ”  !  When  the  duel  and  the  prize  fight  shall 
have  found  their  "  gifted  historians,”  their  literature  also, 
the  picturesque  and  romantic  account  of  thrust  and  parry, 
of  upper  cut  and  solar  plexus,  will  take  its  place  beside 
the  historical  novel  and  the  histories  of  drum  and 
trumpet,  of  topsail  maneuver  and  larboard  attack. 


116 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


Meanwhile,  why  is  it  that  military  and  naval  histories 
have  come  to  seem  to  us  so  much  beside  the  mark  ? 
Captain  Mahan,  in  speaking  of  massed  attacks  upon  the 
enemy’s  fleet  under  changing  conditions  of  naval  war¬ 
fare,  complains  that  "  men’s  minds  are  so  constituted 
that  they  seem  more  impressed  by  transiency  of  the  con¬ 
ditions  than  by  the  undying  principle  which  coped  with 
them.”  Now  Captain  Mahan  may  feel  entirely  reassured 
upon  this  point,  in  so  far  as  the  transiency  of  warfare 
and  the  eternal  principle  of  international  peace  are  con¬ 
cerned.  Men’s  eyes  and  ears  are  no  longer  blinded  or 
deafened  by  powder  smoke  or  roar  of  guns ;  and  they 
have  detected  through  the  tumult  and  the  shouting  the 
great  truth  that  the  strongest  power  in  all  this  world, 
and  the  power  beside  which  all  other  means  of  regulat¬ 
ing  international  relations  fades  into  utter  insignificance, 
is  the  great  combination  of  forces  to  which  the  name  of 
Peace  Power  may  be  applied.  Captain  Mahan  dimly 
realizes  this  fact  and  complains  that  "  a  peaceful,  gain- 
loving  nation  is  not  farsighted,  and  farsightedness  is 
needed  for  adequate  military  preparation,  especially  in 
these  days.” 

Our  modern  eyes  have  certainly  not  that  kind  of  far¬ 
sightedness  ;  for  how  naive  and  childish  now  seems  cav¬ 
alry  charge  or  volley  of  grapeshot  on  fields  whose 
endless  succession  of  harvests  is  momentarily  disturbed 
by  some  "  famous  victory  ”  ;  or  how  we  smile  at  the  ab¬ 
sorbed  earnestness  with  which  naval  historians  drama¬ 
tize  the  dancing  of  hostile  fleets  toward  each  other, 
battering  and  banging  in  heroic  abandon,  coloring  the 
ocean  waves  with  human  blood,  but  all  unconscious  of 
the  depths  of  ocean  across  which  ten  thousand  fleets 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  PEACE  POWER 


117 


have  swept  in  vain.  And  not  only  does  militant  man 
seem  a  puny  pigmy  when  measured  thus  by  Mother 
Nature’s  forces,  but  how  immeasurably  insignificant 
seems  the  war  which  he  has  stirred  up  as  the  means  of 
solving  international  problems,  when  compared  with  the 
great  forces,  human  and  divine,  which  make  up  the 
power  of  peace. 

To  our  modern  eyes  Captain  Mahan's  kind  of  "  his¬ 
tory  ”  has  two  fatal  defects.  In  the  first  place,  it  has 
given  rise  to  a  false  and  pernicious  philosophy  of  inter¬ 
national  relations.  A  certain  class  of  newspaper  writers, 
misled  by  the  spirit  of  Captain  Mahan’s  "  history,"  are 
indulging  in  such  distorted  views  of  international  rela¬ 
tions  as  are  expressed  in  the  two  recently  published  par¬ 
agraphs  cited  below.  A  Western  newspaper  fulminates 
as  follows :  "  The  republic  [our  republic,  of  course], 
triumphant,  magnificent,  bearing  the  olive  branch  of 
peace  in  one  hand  and  the  rod  of  castigation  in  the 
other,  standing  for  humanity  and  justice  throughout  the 
world,  will  be  the  world’s  arbiter  in  time,  and  largely  so 
from  henceforth.  And  thus  justice  will  be  made  to  pre¬ 
vail  throughout  the  world,  and  the  arbiter  of  justice  will 
be  so  strong,  both  on  sea  and  on  land,  so  unassailable, 
that  to  attack  him  will  be  hopeless,  and  peace  will  pre¬ 
vail  because  no  hope  of  gain  by  going  to  war  can  pos¬ 
sibly  be  entertained.  And  that  is  the  kind  of  peace  that 
must  come  to  the  world  —  a  peace  through  the  over¬ 
whelming  majesty  of  the  American  republic  that  is  so 
strong  as  to  be  completely  able  to  enforce  it,  and  so  just 
as  to  compel  respect  in  that  enforcement.” 

Again,  a  rear  admiral  of  the  United  States  Navy 
concludes  his  account  of  the  recent  voyage  of  our  fleet 


118 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


around  the  globe  as  follows :  "I  wish  that  I  might  stop 
with  the  words  '  peace  ’  and  '  good  will  ’  as  my  closing 
expression,  the  lingering  savor  of  which  must  ever  be 
most  sweet  to  even  the  sternest  warrior.  But  misunder¬ 
standings  must  be  avoided  and  prevented.  We  have 
fellow  countrymen  just  as  conscientious,  just  as  earnest, 
just  as  patriotic  as  any,  who  doubtless  would  ask  in  all 
sincerity,  '  If  all  these  love  feasts  be  as  described,  why 
build  more  battleships  ?  ‘  The  answer  lies  in  the  teach¬ 
ings  of  history,  in  the  inexorable  logic  of  past  events. 
If  would  be  futile  to  attempt  here  to  marshal  all  the 
axioms  drawn  from  the  world’s  experience  in  human 
mature.  From  the  far-back  days  of  the  great  Covenanter 
comes  to  us  the  sagest  of  all  advice,  '  Put  your  trust  in 
Providence  —  and  keep  your  powder  dry.’  ” 

In  the  second  place,  Captain  Mahan’s  "  history”  lacks 
perspective  and  true  historical  proportion,  because  it 
grossly  exaggerates  the  trivial  and  the  transient  and 
asserts  them  to  be  the  most  important  and  the  eternal. 
It  would  put  in  the  place  of  the  discredited  drum-and- 
trumpet  history  the  equally  discreditable  siren-and-wig- 
wag  history.  Foot,  horse  and  dragoons  having  been 
driven  by  modern  writers  from  the  foreground  of  his¬ 
tory  into  the  relatively  unimportant  corners  where  they 
properly  belong,  Captain  Mahan  would  have  us  substi¬ 
tute  in  their  place  frigate,  cruiser  and  torpedo  boat.  But 
as  teachers  of  history  we  protest  against  the  gifts  of  any 
more  false  gods ;  and  having  found  the  eternal  verities 
and  the  truly  important  in  history,  we  will  abide  with 
them.  Among  these  last  I  count  first  and  foremost  the 
peace  power. 

Within  the  limits  of  a  brief  paper  this  peace  power 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  PEACE  POWER 


119 


can  be  hardly  more  than  alluded  to,  or  at  most  its  out¬ 
lines  only  may  be  suggested.  In  this  attempt  I  may  be 
permitted,  first,  since  I  have  adapted  the  title  of  Captain 
Mahan’s  book,  to  adapt  also  a  portion  of  its  preface, 
merely  substituting  for  his  term  "  sea  power  ”  the  term 
"  peace  power.”  His  preface,  then,  would  read,  in  part,  as 
follows:  "  Historians  generally  have  been  unfamiliar  with 
the  conditions  of  peace,  having  as  to  it  neither  special 
interest  nor  special  knowledge ;  and  the  profound  deter¬ 
mining  influence  of  peace  power  upon  great  issues  has 
consequently  been  overlooked.  The  definite  object  pro¬ 
posed  in  this  work  is  an  examination  of  the  general  his¬ 
tory  of  Europe  and  America  with  particular  reference 
to  the  effect  of  peace  power  upon  the  course  of  that 
history.”  But  I  may  not  follow  thus  page  by  page 
through  Captain  Mahan’s  ponderous  tome,  although  it 
must  be  confessed  that  there  is  not  much  more  of  what 
is  in  very  truth  "  the  general  history  of  Europe  and 
America  ”  in  its  five  hundred  forty-one  pages  than  might 
be  put  into  a  twenty  minutes’  paper.1 

Peace  power  is  embodied  in  many  things.  Christi¬ 
anity,  the  moral  code,  literature,  the  drama,  art,  com¬ 
merce  and  the  vast  congeries  of  forces  which  make  up 
what  is  conveniently  known  as  economic  internationalism, 
world’s  fairs  and  congresses,  an  enlightened  public  opin¬ 
ion,  diplomacy,  international  law  and  international  in¬ 
stitutions,  are  some  of  the  agencies  utilized  by  this 
master  power  in  human  affairs. 

1  In  this  connection  I  have  been  interested  to  observe  that  in  Professor 
Robinson’s  "  History  of  Western  Europe  ”  the  first  five  hundred  forty-one 
pages  contain  only  about  seventy  which  are  devoted  to  both  sea  power 
and  land  power,  and  these  pages  include  all  the  wars  of  Europe  during 
fourteen  hundred  years  of  its  most  warlike  period. 


120 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


Christianity,  which  has  abolished  slavery  from  all 
civilized  lands,  made  the  family  "  the  sacred  refuge  of 
our  race,”  tempered  the  despotism  of  autocrats,  idealized 
popular  governments,  universalized  education,  and  ex¬ 
alted  the  dignity  of  labor,  the  worth  of  the  individual, 
the  rights  of  children  and  the  duty  of  woman,  has  been 
a  form  of  peace  power  which  it  would  take  hours  to 
expound  and  libraries  to  estimate.  The  song  of  peace 
on  earth  which  the  angels  sang  when  its  founder  was 
born  has  rolled  with  increasing  volume  down  the  ages, 
and,  despite  militant  theologies  and  false  philosophies  of 
warfare,  has  become  the  great  chorus  of  humanity  in 
which  the  din  of  arms  has  gradually  grown  less  and  less. 

As  to  the  moral  code :  ”  History,”  says  Froude,  "  is  a 
voice  forever  sounding  across  the  centuries  the  laws  of 
right  and  wrong.  Opinions  alter,  manners  change,  creeds 
rise  and  fall,  but  the  moral  law  is  written  upon  the 
tablets  of  eternity.”  It  is  written  also,  he  might  have 
added,  upon  the  human  heart  and  is  reflected  more  and 
more  in  human  conduct.  The  history  of  man  is  largely 
a  record  of  the  increasing  sway  of  justice  and  charity 
within  the  family,  the  tribe,  the  nation  and  the  world. 

Literature,  the  drama  and  art,  although  they  have 
been  perverted  at  times  to  exalt  the  barbarism  of  war¬ 
fare,  have  been  in  the  mam  the  obedient  and  potent 
agencies  of  peace.  They  have  made  plain  to  the  wayfar¬ 
ing  man  the  great  ideals  of  peace,  and  have  enabled  him 
who  runs  to  read  the  fruitful  lesson  that  even  the  peoples 
beyond  the  mountains  and  beyond  the  seas  are  animated 
by  those  ideals  and  are  worthy  of  justice  and  love. 

Economic  internationalism,  with  its  commerce  in  the 
luxuries,  comforts  and  many  of  the  necessities  of  life, 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  PEACE  POWER 


121 


with  its  foreign  exchange  and  foreign  loans,  its  commer¬ 
cial  codes  and  means  of  intercommunication,  has  woven 
ever-strengthening  ties  that  bind  the  merchants,  manu¬ 
facturers  and  laborers  of  all  lands  together  in  a  com¬ 
munity  of  interests  which  has  made  and  is  evermore 
making  powerfully  for  peace. 

The  concourse  of  the  peoples  in  world’s  fairs  and  con¬ 
gresses  of  manifold  variety  has  taught  not  only  the  arts  of 
life,  but  also  the  duty  and  the  method  of  an  international 
life  based  upon  peace  and  justice.  From  the  Congress 
of  Panama  in  1826  to  the  Second  Hague  Conference  in 
1907  there  were  held  one  hundred  nineteen  congresses 
in  which  various  governments  of  the  world  were  officially 
represented ;  and  during  the  same  eighty  years  there 
were  held  more  than  seven  hundred  unofficial  inter¬ 
national  gatherings. 

Public  opinion,  which  Ambassador  Bryce  has  shown 
to  be  the  supreme  power  behind  our  American  Govern¬ 
ment,  has  not  only  increased  in  its  guiding  and  motive 
force  within  the  various  nations,  but  has  become  an 
international  public  opinion,  and  has  been  -immensely 
strengthened  and  enlightened  by  the  growing'  inter¬ 
change  of  ideas  and  principles  between  the  leaders  of 
thought  throughout  the  world.  On  how  many  occasions 
and  with  what  beneficent  results  peace  power  has  ex¬ 
erted  a  controlling  influence  upon  national  and  interna¬ 
tional  action  by  means  of.  this  "  redoubtable  sovereign  of 
public  opinion,”  would  be  too  long  to  tell.  Suffice  it  to 
recall  here  the  words  of  a  distinguished  Belgian  states¬ 
man  and  international  jurist,  M.  Beernaert :  "  There  is 
no  assembly  to-day  which  must  not  sit  with  windows 
opened,  listening  to  the  voices  from  outside  ”  ;  and  to 


122 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


remind  you  that  even  France  and  Germany  have  bowed 
to  this  great  international  peace  power  and  agreed  to 
submit  to  peaceful  adjustment  a  casus  belli  whose 
gravity  makes  the  cause  of  the  War  of  1870  pale  into 
insignificance. 

As  to  diplomacy :  A  distinguished  American,  who  has 
since  become  a  private  citizen,  said  in  a  speech  in  which 
he  welcomed  the  home-coming  of  our  earth-girdling  navy : 
"  You,  the  officers  and  men  of  this  formidable  fighting 
force,  have  shown  yourselves  the  best  of  all  possible 
ambassadors  and  heralds  of  peace.”  Shades  of  Franklin, 
the  Adamses,  Jay,  Pinckney,  Murray,  Gallatin,  Webster, 
Lincoln  and  all  ye  illustrious  galaxy  of  ministers  pleni¬ 
potentiary  and  envoys  extraordinary  who  have  adorned 
the  annals  of  this  and  other  lands  with  the  renowned 
victories  of  peaceful  diplomacy!  Have  your  achievements 
been  indeed  forgotten  or  eclipsed  ?  I  cannot  believe  it. 
When  the  prevalent  disease  of  ”  dreadnoughtitis  ”  shall 
have  been  operated  out  of  our  body  politic,  our  historical 
judgments  will  swing  back  again  from  this  Malianesque 
extreme,  and  we  shall  once  more  realize  that  statesman¬ 
ship  is  still  better  than  a  warship  in  international  diplo¬ 
macy,  and  that  the  greatest  diplomatic  victories  of  the 
past  —  and  there  are  thousands  of  them  —  have  been 
those  which  preserved  or  restored  peace  between  nations. 

The  glowing  eulogies  which  jurists  and  publicists  have 
lavished  for  centuries  upon  the  common,  civil  and  statute 
law  of  civilized  lands  apply  with  peculiar  force  to  interna¬ 
tional  law  as  an  agent  of  peace  power.  The  book  which 
revealed  to  the  world  the  science  of  international  law  was 
written  more  than  two  centuries  and  a  half  ago ;  and  yet 
of  that  book,  which  disclosed  this  form  of  peace  power 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  PEACE  POWER 


123 


then  only  in  its  infancy,  Andrew  D.  White  has  said : 
"  Of  all  books  ever  written  not  claiming  divine  inspi¬ 
ration  the  great  work  of  Grotius  on  '  War  and  Peace’ 
has  been  of  most  benefit  to  mankind.1”  For,  he  adds,  *'  it 
developed  and  fructified  human  thought ;  it  warmed  into 
life  new  and  glorious  growths  of  right  reason  as  to  inter¬ 
national  relations ;  and  the  progress  of  reason  in  theory 
and  of  mercy  in  practice  [promoted  by  it]  has  been  con¬ 
stant  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic.”  If  such  words  as 
these  may  be  truly  uttered  of  the  dawn  of  international 
law  by  a  careful  scholar,  what  can  be  adequately  said  of 
this  potent  agency  of  peace  power  as  it  has  climbed  to 
its  noonday  splendor  ? 

The  number  and  variety  of  international  institutions 
which  already  exist  are  a  source  of  wonderment  even  to 
the  close  student  of  international  affairs.  The  Interna¬ 
tional  Bureau  on  the  Slave  Trade,  in  Brussels ;  the  In¬ 
ternational  Bureau  of  Weights  and  Measures,  in  Berlin; 
the  International  Commission  on  Freedom  of  Trade 
through  the  Suez  Canal,  in  Paris;  the  International 
Bureau  of  the  Red  Cross  Movement,  or  of  the  Geneva 
Convention,  in  Geneva ;  the  International  Institute  of 
Agriculture,  in  Rome ;  the  International  Association  of 
Chambers  of  Commerce,  with  its  biennial  congresses; 
the  various  international  bureaus  located  at  Berne,  in¬ 
cluding  those  for  the  Protection  of  Industrial,  Literary 
and  Artistic  Property,  Railway  Transportation,  Protec¬ 
tion  against  Phylloxera  (supported  by  five  powers),  the 
Bureau  of  Telegraphy,  with  forty  branches  in  as  many 

1  In  the  Wheaton  collection  of  original  texts  of  works  on  international 
law  at  Brown  University,  there  are  about  one  hundred  twenty-five  differ¬ 
ent  editions  of  Grotius.  This  is  claimed  to  he  the  largest  number  of 
known  editions  of  any  single  work,  always  excepting  the  Bible. 


124 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


countries,  and  the  Bureau  of  the  Universal  Postal  Union, 
which  is  used  and  supported  by  fifty  different  postal 
administrations ;  the  International  Health  Bureau,  in 
Paris ;  the  Bureau  of  the  twenty-one  American  repub¬ 
lics,  in  W ashington ;  the  International  High  Court  of 
Central  America,  which  has  jurisdiction  over  differences 
arising  between  the  five  contracting  republics ;  inter¬ 
national  commissions  of  inquiry,  one  of  which  prevented 
a  probable  war  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States  over  the  Venezuelan  boundary  question,  and  an¬ 
other  a  war  between  Great  Britain  and  Russia  over  the 
incident  of  the  Dogger  Bank ;  arbitral  tribunals,  which 
have  settled  more  than  six  hundred  international  dis¬ 
putes  since  the  foundation  of  our  Union ;  the  Perma¬ 
nent  Court  of  Arbitration  at  The  Plague,  which  has 
already  settled  seven  1  important  international  controver¬ 
sies,  and  to  which  such  countries  as  the  United  States, 
Great  Britain,  Germany,  France  and  Japan  have  referred 
knotty  problems,  some  of  them  of  long  standing ;  the 
International  Prize  Court,  adopted  by  the  Second  Hague 
Conference;  the  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice,  which  is  in 
process  of  establishment ;  the  sixteen  conventions,  four 
declarations,  ten  recommendations  and  three  resolutions 
adopted  by  the  two  Hague  Conferences;  and  the  hun¬ 
dred  and  fifty  treaties  of  obligatory  arbitration  negotiated 
by  the  nations  since  the  First  Hague  Conference,  more 
than  a  score  of  which  are  the  work  of  a  single  great  Secre¬ 
tary  of  State,  Elihu  Root,  —  such  is  a  partial  list  of  the 
economic,  moral  and  legal  institutions  which  the  family 
of  nations  has  established  for  the  expression  and  preser¬ 
vation  of  the  power  of  international  peace  and  justice. 

1  The  number  had  risen  to  twelve  by  October,  1912. 


tiip:  influence  of  peace  power 


125 


And  such  is  a  faint  image  of  that  peace  power 
whose  controlling  influence  upon  past  history  it  will 
take  another  generation  of  historical  writers  adequately 
to  record ;  whose  exclusive  control  of  the  future  of 
international  relations  has  already  dawned ;  and  whose 
faithful,  enthusiastic  and  fruitful  study  will  engage  the 
devoted  attention  of  this  and  succeeding  generations  of 
students  and  teachers  of  history.  Permit  me,  in  con¬ 
cluding  this  paper,  to  borrow  the  poetic  words  of  one  of 
England’s  poets,  and  to  express  in  them  the  thought 
which  has  inspired  it: 

The  knights  rode  up  with  gifts  for  the  king, 

And  one  was  a  jeweled  sword, 

And  one  was  a  suit  of  golden  mail, 

And  one  was  a  golden  Word. 

He  buckled  the  shining  armor  on, 

And  he  girt  the  sword  at  his  side ; 

But  he  flung  at  his  feet  the  golden  Word, 

And  trampled  it  in  his  pride. 

The  armor  is  pierced  with  many  spears, 

And  the  sword  is  breaking  in  twain ; 

But  the  Word  has  risen  in  storm  and  fire 
To  vanquish  and  to  reign. 


XI 


RELIGION  AND  PEACE  POWER1 

In  the  olden  days  of  chivalry  a  noble  family  took  for 
its  device  the  simple  words,  noblesse  oblige.  In  our  English 
tongue  we  interpret  this  to  mean  that  noble  birth  or  rank 
compels  to  noble  deeds.  So  full  of  high  incentive  was 
this  pithy  motto  that  it  became  the  watchword  of  noble 
men  and  women  in  every  land.  I  would  fain  apply  it 
to-day  to.  this  representative  body  of  liberal  religious 
people,  as  regards  their  duty  toward  the  Peace  Move¬ 
ment  of  our  time.  For  if  religion  be  "  the  doing  of  the 
Word,  and  not  the  hearing  of  it  only,”  and  if  the  liberal 
be  "  he  who  looketh  into  the  perfect  law ,  the  law  of  lib¬ 
erty,  and  so  continueth,”  then  are  religious  liberals  doubly 
dedicated  to  the  service  of  the  Peace  Movement  which 
has  arisen  so  gloriously  with  the  advent  of  this  twentieth 
century. 

During  centuries  of  human  history,  inhuman  and  inces¬ 
sant  warfare  laid  its  devastating  hand  upon  human  lives 
and  upon  the  fruits  of  human  toil,  playing  that  r61e  in 
the  history  of  the  world  which  appalling  earthquakes  play 
in  the  history  of  the  earth.  But  wars  have  become  less 
frequent  in  our  later  centuries,  and  those  which  have 
occurred  may  be  likened  to  the  recurring  but  subsiding 
tremors  of  some  great  natural  convulsion.  Fortunately 

1  Address  at  National  Congress  of  the  Federation  of  Religious  Liberals, 
Philadelphia,  1909. 


126 


RELIGION  AND  PEACE  POWER 


127 


for  mankind,  wars  are  unlike  earthquakes  in  that  they 
may  be  prevented.  It  seems  inevitable  that  men  must 
look  forward  with  what  equanimity  they  may  to  the  de¬ 
struction  of  San  Franciscos  or  Messinas  in  the  future ; 
but,  thank. God,  the  human  earthquake  of  warfare  can 
and  shall  be  prevented.  And  in  this  holy  warfare  against 
war,  religious  liberals  have  a  plain  duty  to  perform. 

When  the  medieval  Church  placed  itself  at  the  head 
of  the  Crusades,  a  cry  went  up  from  Christendom,  "To 
Jerusalem,  to  Jerusalem!  God  wills  it!  ”  The  enlightened 
consciences  of  men  in  our  day  have  recognized  this  old 
battle  cry  to  have  been  no  whit  less  foolish  and  perni¬ 
cious  than  many  others  uttered  in  the  names  of  the 
various  gods  of  battle.  But  with  the  passing  of  this  and 
of  many  another  wild  and  wicked  illusion,  the  faith  of 
men  still  remains  strong  that  there  is  a  genuine  holy 
warfare  to  be  waged  on  earth  in  which  they  in  their 
religious  capacity  —  their  churches  militant  —  must  en¬ 
list.  As  standard  bearers  on  such  fields  of  battle,  the 
world  has  a  right  to  look  to  religious  liberals ;  and  as 
standard  bearers  in  the  great  Peace  Movement  of  our 
day  these  must  perform  a  twofold  task. 

I  have  compared  the  warfare  of  our  time  to  the  sub¬ 
siding  tremors  of  the  military  earthquakes  which  harassed 
the  medieval  world ;  they  are,  properly  speaking,  rever¬ 
sions  to  the  savagery  of  primitive  man,  or  evidences  of 
the  social  atavism  which  is  not  yet  stamped  out.  Rational 
religious  men  must  see  to  it,  in  the  first  place,  then,  that 
this  atavism  is  stamped  out.  ' 

Again,  men  groping  slowly  through  centuries  of  mud¬ 
died  and  sluggish  thinking  in  regard  to  international 
relations  have  caught  a  vision  of  the  light  of  truth  and 


128 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


have  begun  to  devise  and  establish  means  for  settling  their 
differences  in  a  rational  and  peaceful  way.  Religious 
liberals  must  see  to  it,  then,  in  the  second  place,  that  this 
light  of  truth  shall  shine  ever  more  bright  and  brighter, 
and  that  it  shall  speedily  prevail  over  the  ignorance  and 
sin  which  have  darkened  international  dealings  in  the  past. 

Let  us  examine  a  little  more  closely  this  twofold  task. 
In  their  struggle  against  reversion  to  savagery,  religious 
liberals  must  insist  that  men  shall  deal  honestly  with  their 
intellects  and  consciences,  and  interpret  the  great  Mo¬ 
saic  injunction,  "  Thou  shalt  not  kill,”  to  mean  uncom¬ 
promisingly  and  inevasively  that  men  must  not  take  the 
lives  of  their  fellow  men  under  any  pretext  whatsoever. 
Besides  that  natural  instinct  of  the  brutes  which  forbids 
them  to  seek  by  organized  means  to  kill  their  own  kind, 
there  must  be  sounded  in  the  hearts  of  men  the  solemn 
and  insistent  command  of  reason  and  morality :  Thou, 
individually  or  collectively,  shalt  not  kill  thy  kind.  The 
torch  which  shone  from  Sinai’s  mount  so  many  centuries 
ago  must  be  kept  steadily  burning  and  flashed  from  land 
to  land  and  from  soul  to  soul,  if  civilization  is  to  be  kept 
from  the  abyss  of  savagery  out  of  which  it  has  so  pain¬ 
fully  climbed.  Be  it  the  task  of  religious  liberals  to  pre¬ 
vent  that  torch  from  becoming  dimmed  by  the  sophistry 
which  denies  that  killing  is  murder  provided  it  be  done  on 
a  large  enough  scale  and  by  organized,  state-sanctioned 
means.  Be  it  the  task  of  religious  liberals  to  prevent 
that  torch  from  becoming  quenched  in  the  casuistry  which 
pretends  that  the  killing  of- men  is  justifiable  because  of 
the  end  which  is  sought.  Let  religion  reject  the  so-called 
justice  which  is  pedestaled  upon  the  physical  and  moral 
victims  of  warfare.  Let  liberals,  convinced  that  even 


RELIGION  AND  PEACE  POWER 


129 


"  to  further  Heaven’s  ends  they  dare  not  break  Heaven’s 
laws,”  deny  the  name  of  liberty  to  that  license  which 
destroys  human  lives  and  causes  untold  human  misery, 
even  though  material  prosperity  or  even  moral  progress 
may  follow  in  its  train.  Let  them  say  to  governments 
whose  function  it  is  to  administer  law :  Ye  shall  not  divest 
yourselves  of  law  beyond  the  territorial  limits  of  your 
states  and  resort  for  the  accomplishment  of  your  pur¬ 
poses  to  violence  and  force.  Let  them  say  to  the  nations 
who  demand  great  armies :  They  that  take  the  sword 
shall  perish  by  the  sword.  Let  them  say  to  the  peoples 
who  demand  great  and  ever-growing  navies,  pleading  that 
their  warlike  preparations  are  inspired  solely  by  a  love  of 
peace :  Ye  cannot  serve  both  the  god  of  warfare  and  the 
Prince  of  Peace ;  for  either  you  will  hate  the  one  and 
love  the  other,  or  else  you  will  hold  to  the  one  and  despise 
the  other.  Let  them  say  to  the  false  prophets  who  teach 
that  if  men  desire  peace  they  must  prepare  for  war:  Ye 
cannot  gather  figs  from  thorns  nor  grapes  from  thistles ; 
and  if  ye  sow  the  wind,  ye  shall  reap  the  whirlwind. 

Above  all,  in  this  path  of  their  duty,  religious  liberals 
must  see  to  it  that  their  churches  are  cleansed  of  the 
abominations  of  the  dogs  of  war.  There  must  be  no 
Christianized  Woden  or  Judaized  Moloch  in  the  sanctum 
sanctorum  of  church  or  temple.  There  must  be  no  service 
of  song  or  prayer  or  penance  designed  to  procure  from 
the  Father  of  all  mankind  a  victory  on  the  field  of  battle 
for  some  of  His  children  and  death  and  defeat  for  others 
of  them.  No  minister  of  God  who  professes  to  be  about 
his  Father’s  business  must  bless  the  martial  banners  of 
opposing  hosts,  or  send  out  soldiers  from  God’s  holy 
altars  to  slay  God’s  other  children.  The  missionaries 


130 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


whom  they  send  to  foreign  lands  must  be  taught  that 
it  is  not  to  their  country’s  warships  cruising  off  the 
"  heathen’s  ”  coasts  that  they  must  look  for  their  strength 
and  their  protection.  The  heathen  who  are  sought  to  be 
converted  to  a  better  mode  of  life  must  not  receive  a 
Bible  from  one  hand  and  the  menace  of  a  sword  from 
the  other.  To  religious  liberals,  if  to  any  one  on  God’s 
earth,  should  be  confidently  intrusted  the  duty  of  put¬ 
ting  an  end  forever  to  the  last  vestiges  of  that  old 
method  of  conversion  illustrated  by  Charles  the  Great 
when  he  drove  the  Saxons  by  the  thousand,  at  the  edge 
of  the  sword,  into  the  baptismal  waters.  Religious  liberals 
must  see  to  it  that  the  missionary  enterprise  of  the  future 
shall  be  inspired  solely  by  the  fearlessness  of  bodily 
death,  by  the  forgiveness  of  persecutors  "  not  knowing 
what  they  do”  and  by  the  entire  rejection  of  any  aid  de¬ 
pendent  upon  the  threat  or  the  reality  of  physical  force. 

There  was  a  time,  very  recent  in  our  country’s  history, 
when  sections  of  the  church  defended,  condoned  or  be¬ 
wailed  the  necessity  of  the  institution  of  human  slavery. 
To-day  there  are  sections  of  the  church  which  defend, 
condone  or  bewail  the  necessity  of  human  warfare.  The 
call  has  come  clear  and  clearer  to  religious  liberals,  in 
whatever  section  of  the  church  they  may  worship,  to 
denounce  uncompromisingly  the  institution  of  human 
warfare  ;  to  brush  aside  the  shams  and  sophistries  which 
seek  to  hide  in  flaunting  or  flimsy  phrase  the  whole  dark 
butchery  of  war ;  and  to  bid  men  divest  their  souls  of 
fancied  fears  which  make  them  hug  the  iron  chains  of 
warlike  preparations.  It  is  one  high  mission  of  religion 
to  lead  men  to  face  with  confidence  serene  that  Valley 
of  the  Shadow  of  Death  into  which  every  mortal  must 


RELIGION  AND  PEACE  POWER 


131 


some  time  pass ;  let  it  be  the  religious  liberals’  task  to  bid 
the  nations  pursue  their  paths  through  life  serene  and 
calm,  refusing  to  be  terrorized  by  fear  of  the  subjunc¬ 
tive  ;  refusing  to  replace  the  rational  and  manly  motto 
of  "  dread  nothing  ”  by  the  hysterical  one  of  "  dread¬ 
noughts,”  which  means  in  reality  "  dread  everything  ”  ; 
refusing  to  die  a  thousand  deaths  in  fearing  one  ;  re¬ 
fusing  to  create  an  atmosphere  of  suspicion  toward  this 
or  that  other  nation;  refusing  to  forge  for  themselves 
the  chains  of  their  own  slavery ;  refusing  to  place  a  bur¬ 
den  on  them  backs  which  shall  bow  them  to  the  earth 
and  shut  out  from  their  vision  not  only  the  truth  of 
heaven  but  also  the  truth  about  their  fellow  men. 

Let  it  be  the  religious  liberals’  second  duty,  as  stand¬ 
ard  bearers  in  the  cause  of  peace,  to  lead  men’s  minds 
away  from  warlike,  brutal  and  foolish  means  of  settling 
international  disputes,  and  toward  the  discovery  and 
adoption  of  peaceful,  rational  and  twentieth-century 
means.  Throughout  the  gloom  of  centuries  of  warfare 
the  advocates  of  peace  have  toiled  faithfully  but  too  often 
half-despairingly  onward  toward  some  far-off  imagined 
day  when  law  should  take  the  place  of  violence  in  inter¬ 
national  affairs,  and  heroic  souls  have  cheered  each  other 
by  the  cry,  "  There  must  be  refuge  !  What  good  gift  have 
our  brothers,  but  it  came  through  toil  and  strife  and  lov¬ 
ing  sacrifice? ”  To  our  eyes,  in  the  dawn  of  this  twentieth 
century,  has  come  the  clear  vision  of  that  refuge.  We 
have  seen  the  nations  twice  assembled  in  conference  at 
The  Hague ;  we  have  seen  them  acknowledging  in  word 
and  deed  the  fact  that  they  are  one  single  family,  each 
member  possessing  inalienable  rights  and  bounden  duties  ; 
we  have  seen  them  adopting  great  codes  of  law  which 


132 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


shall  throw  the  mantle  of  scientific  aid  and  of  human 
charity  over  the  brutalities  of  war,  and  shall  restrict  the 
devastations  of  warfare  on  land  and  sea  to  narrow  chan¬ 
nels,  protecting  from  its  havoc,  as  far  as  may  be,  the 
great  world  of  peaceful  industry  and  progress.  W e  have 
seen  the  corner  stone  laid  at  The  Hague  of  a  beautiful 
Palace  of  Peace,  which  is  to  afford  a  home  to  institutions 
for  the  peaceful  settlement  of  international  disputes  ;  for 
here  will  be  housed  the  international  commissions  of  in¬ 
quiry,  the  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration,  with  its  arbi¬ 
tral  tribunals,  Permanent  Bureau  and  Administrative 
Council,  the  International  Prize  Court  and  the  Court  of 
Arbitral  Justice  —  all  of  which  have  been  adopted  or 
provided  for  by  the  two  Hague  Conferences,  and  some 
of  which  have  already  been  put  into  beneficent  activity. 

Laying  up  all  these  things  in  our  hearts,  remembering 
them  faithfully  and  hopefully,  and  praying  God  to  be 
with  us  still,  lest  we  forget  them,  let  it  be  our  high  priv¬ 
ilege  and  bounden  duty  as  religious  liberals  to  emphasize 
in  the  midst  of  war’s  alarums  the  great  fact  that  there 
are  available  and  mandatory  these  peaceful  and  honorable 
means  both  of  settling  quarrels  and  of  procuring  justice  ; 
let  us  exalt  these  means  above  warfare  or  preparations 
for  warfare,  as  high  as  light  is  above  darkness,  as  heaven 
is  above  hell ;  let  our  voices  in  clarion  tones  ring  out 
above  the  fears  and  clamor  of  the  thoughtless  or  the 
ambitious  the  insistent  cry,  '"To  The  Hague,  to  The 
Hague !  God  wills  it !  ”  Let  us  suffer  no  sophistries  as 
to  righteousness  and  honor  being  preferable  to  peace; 
but,  backed  by  God’s  word  and  human  experience,  let 
us  proclaim  that  peace  is  righteousness,  that  peace  and 
honor  are  now  and  forever  one  and  inseparable. 


XII 


# 


A  POSITIVE  PROGRAM 1 

More  than  three  thousand  years  ago,  when  a  young  and 
feeble  nation,  still  in  its  nomadic  stage  of  existence,  was 
struggling  with  the  moral  evils  which  encompassed  it 
round  about  in  the  wilderness  of  sin,  Jehovah  wrote 
with  his  finger  upon  tablets  of  stone  a  code  of  moral 
law.  This  code,  which  Jehovah’s  servant,  Moses,  brought 
to  the  people  of  Israel  from  Mt.  Sinai’s  cloud-capped 
summit,  numbered  only  ten  commandments,  but  they 
dealt  with  the  fundamental  failings  and  the  primal  pas¬ 
sions  of  mankind.  Polytheism,  idolatry,  irreverence,  ma¬ 
terialism,  murder,  adultery,  theft,  false  witness  and 
envy  were  pointed  out  by  God’s  finger  and  denounced 
in  words  accentuated  with  thunder  and  lightning  from 
the  desert  mountain’s  top.  These  commandments  have 
come  rolling  down  across  the  centuries  and  across  lands 
and  seas,  and  have  become  the  basis  of  every  civilized 
people’s  moral  code.  They  have  been  re-enforced  in  the 
individual’s  conscience  by  identical  commandments  writ¬ 
ten  by  God’s  finger  upon  every  individual  soul. 

That  one  among  them  which  here  concerns  us  most 
is  couched  in  four  simple  words  —  Thou  shalt  not  kill. 
Iving£,  legislators,  judges,  God’s  priestly  servants,  the 
awful  warnings  of  conscience  and  the  tender  pleadings 
of  the  better  angels  of  man’s  nature  have  sought  with 

1  An  address  given  before  various  Pennsylvania  audiences. 

133 


134 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


threats  or  tears  to  enforce  this  command.  Retaliation, 
the  death  feud,  the  wergeld,  outlawry,  torture,  transpor¬ 
tation,  life  imprisonment,  the  death  penalty,  have  all 

come  to  the  aid  of  social  condemnation  and  the  agmniz- 
*  .  & 
ing  pricks  of  conscience,  and  have  been  leveled  against 

the  world-old,  world-lasting  sin  and  crime  of  murder.  It 

is  one  of  the  burdens  of  humanity  which  must  continue 

to  be  wrestled  with  as  inevitably  as  sparks  fly  upward, 

and  .until  the  spirit  of  man  has  become  transformed  by 

the  spirit  of  God. 

But  what  chiefly  concerns  us 'to-day  is  the  fact  that 
men  in  their  social  capacity  have  refused  to  regard  kill¬ 
ing  under  certain  circumstances  as  murder.  Homicide  in 
tournaments,  duels,  prize  fights,  at  the  stake  or  on  the 
scaffold  has  been  excluded  from  the  category  of  murder 
and  has  been  sheltered  beneath  the  "  code  of  honor  ”  or 
the  "  majesty  of  the  law.”  And  while  all  of  these  illu¬ 
sions  have  been  discarded  or  are  fading  away  in  the 
light  of  the  twentieth  century,  there  still  remains  with 
the  nations  the  belief  that  organized,  state-supported 
killing,  or  warfare,  is  not  prohibited  either  by  the  law  of 
Moses  or  by  the  law  of  Christ.  Rulers  have  steadfastly 
refused  to  agree  with  Lowell’s  dictum : 

Ez  fer  war,  I  call  it  murder  — 

Ther  you  hev  it,  plain  and  flat ; 

I  don’t  want  to  go  no  furder 
Than  my  Testyment  fer  that. 

And  soldiers  have  steadfastly  refused  to  respond  to  the 
Quaker  appeal  to  submit  to  fine  and  imprisonment  rather 
than  to  be  led  or  forced  upon  the  field  of  battle,  to  be 
shot  down  rather  than  to  shoot  to  death  another  human 
being,  or  to  render  on  the  battlefield  only  those  services 


A  POSITIVE  PROGRAM 


135 


which  will  mitigate  rather  than  increase  human  suffering. 
So  deeply  rooted  in  tradition  and  education  is  the  belief 
that  warfare  is  not  murder,  and  that  it  is  inevitable  and 
unavoidable  ;  so  determined  and  continuous  are  the  enor¬ 
mously  increasing  preparations  for  warfare  in  every  civ¬ 
ilized  land  in  this  twentieth  century  of  Christianity ;  so 
far  are  the  nations  in  their  political  capacities  from  living 
up  even  to  the  Mosaic  commandment,  that  many  devoted 
apostles  of  the  Prince  of  Peace  have  despaired  of  man¬ 
kind’s  ever  reaching  the  goal  of  universal  peace  and 
brotherhood. 

The  ten  negative  commandments  of  the  early  Hebrew 
leader  were  supplemented  nineteen  centuries  ago  by  two 
positive  commandments,  one  of  which  enjoined  love  for 
one’s  neighbors  as  for  one’s  self ;  the  Mosaic  negative 
commandment,  Thou  shalt  not  kill,  was  supplemented 
by  Christ’s  great  positive  commandment,  Love  thine  en¬ 
emy,  do  good  to  them  that  hate  thee.  If  the  world 
still  justifies  organized  killing,  or  warfare,  the  despair¬ 
ing  lover  of  peace  exclaims,  if  men  have  not  yet  reached 
Mt.  Sinai’s  summit,  how  long  will  it  be,  O  Lord,  how 
long,  before  men  and  nations  can  attain  to  Mt.  Calvary’s 
heights  ?  There  is  probably  no  one  of  the  friends  of 
peace  who  has  not  struck  at  times  this  note  of  discour¬ 
agement  and  despair.  Young  men  and  women,  especially, 
whose  patience  is  not  that  of  the  older  reformer,  who 
have  not  learned  from  long  experience  how  slowly  grind 
the  mills  of  God,  are  peculiarly  liable  to  believe  that  no 
practical  good  can  be  accomplished  for  the  cause  of  peace 
by  perpetually  proclaiming  the  Mosaic  command,  Thou 
shalt  not  kill,  or  by  holding  up  Christ’s  standard  of  Love 
thine  enemy. 


136 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


Meanwhile  a  certain  positive  philosophy  of  peace  is 
being  offered  to  the  world  and  is  supported  by  plausible 
arguments  and  powerful  appeals  to  human  passions  and 
ambitions.  If  you  desire  peace,  prepare  for  war,  says 
this  philosophy ;  pile  up  armament  upon  armament,  and 
cover  the  seas  with  dreadnoughts ;  thus  only  can  you 
prevent  those  nations  who  desire  war  from  carrying  out 
their  fell  design!  Now  it  is  not  merely  the  plausibility 
of  this  philosophy  that  makes  it  appeal  so  powerfully  to 
young  and  ardent  minds  ;  it  is  rather  the  fact  that  it  is 
a  positive  program,  and  not  a  mere  negative  command¬ 
ment  like  the  Mosaic  one.  It  is  true  that  there  is  another 
positive  philosophy  of  peace  —  the  gospel  of  Christ,  the 
gospel  of  love  ;  but  this  is  deemed  too  exalted  for  human 
attainment  this  side  of  the  millennium.  It  is  true  that 
William  Penn,  in  his  Holy  Experiment  in  Pennsylvania, 
put  this  gospel  into  successful  application  ;  but  Indian 
politics  account  for  this  success,  say  some  of  the  critics, 
while  others  assert  that  it  would  be  attainable  on  the 
world’s  stage  only  if  all  the  world  were  Quakers. 

Is  there,  then,  no  positive  program  for  the  Peace  Move¬ 
ment  which  shall  supplement  the  Mosaic  Thou  shalt  not 
kill,  and  which  shall  form  an  intermediate  resting  place  in 
the  world’s  journey  upward  toward  Christ’s  goal  of  Love 
thine  enemy  ?  I  rejoice  to  say  that  there  is  such  a  pro¬ 
gram,  and  I  believe  that  it  also  is  in  accord  with  Christ’s 
gospel.  This  program  is  one  whose  foundations  were  laid, 
and  some  of  whose  parts  were  developed,  by  the  two  great 
Peace  Conferences  held  at  The  I  labile  in  the  summers  of 
1899  and  1907.  Its  parts  thus  far  developed  are  three 
in  number,  and  are  known  as  international  commissions  of 
inquiry,  mediation  and  international  courts  of  arbitration. 


A  POSITIVE  PROGRAM 


137 


International  commissions  of  inquiry  are  based  upon 
the  worldly-wise  advice,  Investigate  before  you  fight ; 
and  they  are  justified  by  Christ’s  injunction  and  promise, 
Know  the  truth,  and  the  truth  shall  make  you  free. 
Their  sole  object  and  effect  is  to  ascertain  the  truth  in 
regard  to  international  disputes,  and  they  are  so  con¬ 
stituted  and  equipped  that  their  inquiries  may  be  both 
thorough  and  impartial.  They  have  been  resorted  to 
already,  since  the  First  Hague  Conference,  in  at  least  one 
notable  instance,  the  dispute  between  Great  Britain  and 
Russia  in  regard  to  the  Russian  destruction  of  some 
British  fishermen  and  fishing  boats  off  the  Dogger  Bank. 
A  simple  statement  of  the  facts  in  this  case  served  to 
assuage  the  indignation  of  two  great  nations  and  to  pre¬ 
vent  a  probable  war  between  them.  Thus  was  strikingly 
illustrated  the  truth  of  the  saying,  Investigate  and  you 
won’t  fight ;  while  again  was  realized  Christ’s  promise, 
The  truth  shall  make  you  free,  —  free  from  misunder¬ 
standing,  prejudice  and  passion. 

Again,  at  the  Hague  Conferences  the  nations  realized 
and  solemnly  asserted  the  fact,  which  has  been  so  long 
struggling  for  acceptance  in  international  law,  that  all 
the  nations  of  the  world  are  members  of  one  interna¬ 
tional  family,  and  that  it  is  not  only  the  privilege  but 
the  duty  of  any  member  of  the  family  to  extend  its 
good  offices  to  other  members  between  whom  a  dispute 
may  arise,,  and  to  offer  to  mediate  between  them  for 
the  peaceful  solution  of  their  dispute.  Not  only  was 
this  done,  but  it  was  unanimously  agreed  that  the  par¬ 
ties  to  the  dispute  should  each  select  a  member  of  the 
family  to  act  as  its  representative  in  endeavoring  to 
secure  a  peaceful  adjustment  of  the  difficulty ;  and  in 


138 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


case  such  adjustment  cannot  be  secured  and  war  should 
ensue,  these  representatives  should  watch  for  and  seize 
upon  every  possible  opportunity  during  the  war  for 
bringing  it  to  an  end.  By  this  positive  and  definite  means 
of  mediation  and  special  mediation  the  nations  have 
asserted  their  acceptance  of  what  is  called  in  political 
phrase  "  the  solidarity  of  the  nations/’  and  what  is  called 
by  Christ  "the  brotherhood  of  man.”  They  have  acknowl¬ 
edged  that  they  are,  in  a  sense,  their  brother’s  keeper ; 
and  have  recognized  as  a  duty,  which  they  have  prom¬ 
ised  to  fulfill,  the  apostle’s  injunction :  "  If  any  man 
obeyeth  not  our  word  by  this  epistle,  note  that  man,  that 
ye  have  no  company  with  him,  to  the  end  that  he  may 
be  ashamed.  And  yet  count  him  not  as  an  enemy,  but 
admonish  him  as  a  brother.” 

Finally,  the  Hague  Conferences  have  unanimously 
asserted  the  desirability  and  utility  of  arbitration,  have 
established  two  international  courts  of  arbitration,  have 
recommended  another  most  promising  one,  have  pro¬ 
vided  a  complete  and  helpful  code  of  procedure  for 
these  courts  and  have  declared  that  at  least  two  classes 
of  international  disputes  —  those  having  to  do  with  the 
collection  of  contracted  debts  and  those  having  to  do 
with  the  capture  of  private  property  during  warfare  on 
the  sea  —  shall  be  submitted  to  arbitration. 

In  accordance  with  the  principle  thus  laid  down, 
there  have  been  negotiated  within  the  last  ten  years 
scores  of  treaties  between  various  nations  providing  for 
the  settlement  of  disputes  between  them  by  the  peace¬ 
ful  means  of  arbitration ;  and  in  compliance  with  the 
practice  thus  provided  for,  there,  have  been  twelve  im¬ 
portant  international  disputes  tried  and  settled  before 


A  POSITIVE  PROGRAM 


139 


the  Hague  Court  of  Arbitration,  and  nearly  a  half  dozen 
more  have  been  made  to  enter  upon  the  same  peaceful 
path.  This  method  of  settling  disputes  in  the  family  of 
nations  is  also  marked  not  only  by  worldly  wisdom  and 
common  sense,  but  by  compliance  with  Christ’s  precepts 
as  well.  For  it  is  in  accord  with  that  method  prescribed 
by  Jesus  to  his  disciples:  "And  if  thy  brother  sin 
against  thee,  go,  show  him  his  fault  between  thee  and 
him  alone  ;  if  he  hear  thee,  thou  hast  gamed  thy  brother. 
But  if  he  hear  thee  not,  take  with  thee  one  or  two  more, 
that  at  the  mouth  of  two  witnesses  or  three  every  word 
may  be  established.  And  if  he  refuse  to  hear  them,  tell  it 
unto  the  church ;  and  if  he  refuse  to  hear  the  church  also, 
let  him  be  unto  thee  as  the  Gentile  and  the  publican." 

One  of  the  most  encouraging  facts  about  the  rational 
and  Christian  method  of  arbitration  is  that  not  a  single 
member  of  the  family  of  nations  —  not  even  Venezuela 
—  has  "refused  to  hear"  the  voice  of  justice  when  pro¬ 
claimed  by  the  arbitral  tribunal,  or  to  abide  by  the  arbi¬ 
tral  award ;  still  less  has  it  been  necessary  for  the  family 
to  treat  any  of  its  members  "  as  the  Gentile  and  the 
publican." 

Such  then  —  summarizing  briefly  what  I  have  elsewhere 
said  at  length  —  is  the  positive  program  for  the  Peace 
Movement.  When  we  consider  the  reason  and  justice 
and  solidarity  which  underlie  it ;  when  we  consider  what 
has  already  been  accomplished  by  it,  what  a  veritable  rev¬ 
olution  in  international  law  it  has  achieved ;  when  we 
consider  its  great  and  fruitful  promise  of  increased  useful¬ 
ness  in  the  future,  we  may  believe  that,  in  very  truth, 
we  live  in  the  dawn  of  a  new  and  glorious  era.  It  is  true 
that  across  the  sunny  sky  of  this  new  era  there  lies  the 


140 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


shadow  of  enormous  and  increasing  armaments.  But 
there  are  many  signs  that  the  reason  and  conscience  of 
thinking  men  are  revolting  more  and  more  against  the 
folly  and  the  wickedness  of  the  draft  and  the  dreadnought; 
and  the  strong  and  determined  movement  for  at  least 
the  limitation  of  armaments  is  bound  to  succeed.  But, 
most  encouraging  of  all,  the  realization  of  what  I  have 
called  the  positive  program  of  peace  will  remove  the 
necessity  or  the  excuse  for  armaments  and  will  take  a 
long  stride  toward  that  happy  day  when  swords  shall  be 
beaten  into  plowshares  and  spears  into  pruning  hooks. 

Meanwhile,  in  most  international  disputes,  right  shall 
take  the  place  of  might ;  justice  shall  be  sought  rather 
than  victory ;  and  the  Prince  of  Peace  shall  replace  in 
the  nations’  hearts  and  temples  their  false  gods  of  battle. 
Meanwhile,  too,  let  us  see  to  it  that,  individually  and 
collectively,  we  do  all  that  in  us  lies  to  make  successful 
this  Holy  Experiment  of  our  own  day  and  generation. 
Looking  back  as  we  do  with  justifiable  pride  and  grati¬ 
tude  to  the  principles  and  practices  of  William  Penn 
and  the  Quakers  of  the  olden  time,  we  should  be  un¬ 
worthy  of  the  name  which  they  have  made  illustrious, 
we  should  be  unworthy  of  the  name  of  Christians,  did 
we  fail  not  merely  to  sympathize  with,  but  to  work 
actively  and  devotedly  for,  the  carrying  out  of  this  pos¬ 
itive  program  for  the  great  and  glorious  and  righteous 
peace  cause  of  our  time. 

Let  it  be  our  duty  and  endeavor,  then,  to  promote 
between  civilized  nations  that  policy  which  William 
Penn  practiced  in  the  Indian -haunted  forests  of  Penn¬ 
sylvania  —  the  policy  not  of  dreadnoughts  but  of  dread 
nothing,  not  of  keeping  our  powder  dry  but  of  trusting 


A  POSITIVE  PROGRAM 


141 


in  Gocl.  Let  it  be  our  task  to  secure  between  the  nations, 
in  case  of  difference,  a  resort  to  commissions  of  inquiry 
and  to  mediation,  even  as  William  Penn  induced  the 
Swede,  the  Hollander  and  the  Englishman,  on  the  Dela¬ 
ware’s  banks,  to  settle  many  of  their  differences  out  of 
court  by  having  recourse  to  the  friendly  mediation  of 
official  arbitrators.  And,  finally,  let  it  be  our  high  privi¬ 
lege  to  work  with  brain  and  heart  and  soul  for  the  real¬ 
ization  in  this  our  century  of  that  ideal  which  William 
Penn  dreamed  of  two  centuries  ago  —  the  ideal  of  an 
international  court  of  arbitral  justice.  By  so  doing  we 
shall  be  worthy  of  being  known  not  only  as  Pennsyl¬ 
vania  Friends,  the  heirs  of  William  Penn,  but  as  peace¬ 
makers,  the  children  of  God. 


XIII 


THE  AMERICAN  FLAG1 

When  I  was  a  high-scliool  boy  in  the  city  of  Baltimore, 
Maryland,  I  took  great  pleasure  in  going  down  to  old 
Fort  McHenry,  which  stands  on  the  edge  of  the  city 
overlooking  the  Patapsco  River  and  the  city’s  harbor. 
This  old  fort  was  the  scene  of  one  of  the  battles  in  the 
War  of  1812;  and  lying  upon  its  grassy  embankments, 
beneath  the  shadow  of  the  American  flag,  I  could  dream 
to  my  heart’s  content  of  the  day  when,  according  to  my 
school  history,  the  boys  of  1812  repulsed  the  British  fleet 
and  saved  Baltimore  from  capture  by  the  redcoats. 

The  study  which  stood  out  most  prominently  in  my 
school  days  was  the  history  of  the  United  States ;  but 
this  "  history  ”  was  devoted  almost  exclusively  to  armed 
conflicts  with  redskins,  redcoats,  Mexicans  and  rebels, 
although  to  the  south  of  Mason  and  Dixon’s  line  we 
were  carefully  taught  that  the  last  named  were  not 
"  rebels  ”  but  "  Confederates.”  As  a  result  of  this  kind 
of  historical  study  I  saw  in  the  American  flag  only  an 
emblem  of  warfare,  a  banner  of  victory  over  cruel  and 
tyrannical  invaders.  "  Maryland,  my  Maryland  ”  was  a 
very  familiar  song  in  my  boyhood,  and  some  "  despot’s 
heel  ”  seemed  to  be  ever  trampling  through  the  pages  of 
my  country’s  history.  Down  at  old  Fort  McHenry,  too, 
was  waving  the  very  same  Star-Spangled  Banner  about 


1  Address  in  Chicago,  during  the  Second  National  Peace  Congress,  1909. 

142 


THE  AMERICAN  FLAG 


143 


which  Francis  Scott  Key  wrote  his  song  as  he  lay  a 
hostage  on  board  a  British  ship,  thinking  of  the  fort  and 
wondering  if  it  still  held  out  in  the  dawn’s  early  light. 

It  is  not  strange,  perhaps,  that  under  these  conditions 
I  should  have  received  a  grossly  distorted  impression  of 
our  country’s  history,  and  have  seen  in  our  country’s 
flag  only  the  red  blood  of  battle,  the  white  badge  of  vic¬ 
tory  and  the  starry  blue  of  heaven  looking  down  upon 
deeds  of  military  daring.  But  as  the  years  passed  and 
I  read  better  books  and  thought  more  about  the  work 
which  our  forefathers  had  accomplished,  I  found  that  the 
military  pages  in  their  history  were  not  by  any  means 
the  brightest,  and  not  even  the  most  numerous  or  most 
important.  I  found  sad  blots  on  the  pages  which  told  of 
the  Civil  War,  —  even  of  my  Maryland’s  share  in  it,  — 
and  of  the  Mexican  War  and  the  War  of  1812,  and  even 
of  the  Revolutionary  War  itself.  Of  course  I  never  lost 
my  veneration  for  the  genuine  courage  and  the  devotion 
to  high  ideals  which  many  of  the  boys  of  ’76  and  of  the 
succeeding  wars  showed  in  their  conduct  on  battlefields. 
But  I  found  that  this  courage  and  devotion  had  been 
born  and  nourished  in  the  daily  paths  of  peaceful  life, 
and  carried  thence  to  battlefields  by  citizens  who  had 
become  soldiers  for  a  very  short  period  of  their  dives. 
And  I  found  that  their  fathers  and  mothers,  sisters  and 
brothers, —  far  more  numerous  than  they, —  who  remained 
at  home  engaged  in  quiet  industry,  exhibited  the  same 
high  traits  of  courage  and  devotion  in  equal  or  greater 
degree,  though  in  less  conspicuous  ways.  I  learned,  too, 
that  the  battles  themselves  were  only  the  relatively  un¬ 
important  episodes,  and  not  the  great  motive  forces,  in 
our  country’s  history ;  for  I  found  that  the  victories  of 


144 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


peace  were  not  only  far  more  numerous  and  important, 
but  illustrated  in  far  more  fundamental  and  more  lasting 
ways  the  courage  and  devotion  which  we  love  to  associate 
pre-eminently  with  the  character  of  patriotic  Americans. 
Thus  I  came  to  see  in  our  country’s  flag  not  chiefly  the 
emblem  of  victory  in  warfare  but  the  ensign  of  some  of 
the  best  and  noblest  things  that  all  of  human  history 
can  show.  Let  me  tell  you  briefly,  as  we  look  upon 
Old  Glory  flying  here  before  us,  of  some  of  these  great 
and  noble  things  which  I  have  learned  to  see  in  the 
Stars  and  Stripes. 

I  see  a  great  and  virgin  continent,  stretching  from 
ocean  to  ocean,  and  from  the  frozen  lands  of  Canada  to 
the  semitropics  of  Mexico.  It  is  covered,  over  vast  areas, 
with  the  forest  primeval ;  its  only  avenues  and  roads  are 
Indian  trails  or  the  paths  of  wild  beasts ;  its  only  deni¬ 
zens  are  men  still  living  in  upper  savagery  or  lower  bar¬ 
barism,  or  the  beasts  of  the  forest  and  the  plain.  Here 
and  there  the  Indian  women  have  made  small  gardens 
by  the  use  of  stone  hoes,  and  a  few  beans  or  pumpkins 
or  bits  of  Indian  corn  are  raised  to  eke  out  the  preca¬ 
rious  existence  which  is  led  in  squalid  huts  grouped  in 
transient  villages. 

And  now  only  three  centuries  have  passed,  —  which 
is  but  a  tin}-  span  in  human  history, — and  what  a  change 
have  our  fathers  wrought !  The  forests  have  been  felled, 
the  land  plowed  and  great  crops  of  cereals  and  herds  of 
cattle  raised  to  feed  not  only  our  own  countrymen  but 
the  world  as  well ;  the  treasures  of  the  mine,  the  river 
and  the  sea  have  been  exploited  for  man’s  use  ;  railways, 
canals  and  highways  penetrate  to  every  nook  and  corner 
of  the  continent ;  the  mail  wagon,  the  telephone  and  the 


THE  AMERICAN  FLAG 


145 


telegraph  bind  every  section  of  onr  people  to  each  other 
and  the  outside  world ;  factories,  homes,  villages,  a  half 
dozen  of  the  world’s  greatest  cities,  have  sprung  up  as  if 
by  magic  within  a  few  score  years  or  a  single  generation. 

The  first  thing  that  I  see  in  our  country’s  flag,  then, 
is  this  marvelous  march  of  civilization — unparalleled  in 
the  world’s  history — across  this  vast  and  virgin  conti¬ 
nent  ;  and  accompanying  that  march  I  see  the  courage 
which  enabled  the  pioneer  to  face  the  peril  of  wild  beast 
and  brutish  man,  and  the  devotion  to  high  ideals  which 
enabled  the  farmer  and  laborer  of  every  kind  to  endure 
the  hardships  of  a  toilsome,  lonely  and  bare  existence. 
Even  in  these  days  of  our  prosperity  and  material  wealth 
I  see  the  same  daring  and  persistent  determination  to 
bend  every  force  of  nature  to  the  use  and  comfort  of 
man.  And  united  with  this  somewhat  materialistic  ideal 
I  see  other  and  higher  ideals  whose  realization  depends 
largely  upon  material  progress. 

Education  is  one  of  those  other  ideals  —  an  education 
which  shall  be  extended  to  every  boy  and  girl,  no  matter 
how  poor  or  lowly  they  may  be,  and  which  shall  carry 
them,  if  they  have  the  capacity  to  utilize  it,  from  the 
kindergarten  through  the  university.  In  pursuit  of  this 
ideal  the  early  colonists  made  the  schoolhouse  one  of 
their  very  first  buildings,  statesmen  of  a  later  day  have 
lavished  the  public  land  and  public  revenue  upon  the 
public  schools,  and  public-spirited  citizens  have  given 
vast  sums  of  money  to  the  promotion  of  lower  and  higher 
education  alike.  Coupled  with  this  ideal  is  another  one — 
that  education  is  to  be  provided  for  every  boy  and  girl, 
not  solely  for  the  sake  of  their  own  development  and 
prosperity,  but  primarily  that  they  may  become  good 


146 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


citizens,  capable  and  desirous  of  rendering  helpful  service 
to  others  in  both  their  public  and  their  private  life.  It 
is  this  great  twofold  educational  ideal  of  which  I  think 
first,  as  I  look  upon  the  flag  as  it  floats  over  schoolhouse 
and  college.  May  the  Star-Spangled  Banner  wave  over 
every  school  building  throughout  our  broad  land,  in  city 
and  country  alike ;  and  may  the  scholars  who  assemble 
beneath  it  see  in  it  the  best  things  for  which  it  really 
stands,  and  determine  that,  as  far  as  in  them  lies,  those 
best  things  shall  remain  untarnished  and  undiminished. 

Beside  the  schoolhouse  the  early  colonists  planted  the 
meetinghouse  or  church  ;  and  although  there  was  a  brief 
period  of  religious  persecution  in  some  sections  of  our 
land,  it  soon  became  a  cardinal  principle  of  our  fathers 
that  religion  should  be  fostered  by  assuring  to  it  entire 
liberty.  No  so-called  religious  wars,  thank  God,  have 
disgraced  our  country’s  history ;  and  far  from  seeing 
in  our  flag  the  emblem  of  such  warfare,  I  see  in  it  the 
palladium  of  religious  liberty,  the  emblem  of  freedom 
and  protection  to  every  form  and  manner  of  religious 
belief  which  manifests  itself  in  peaceful  and  unpernicious 
ways.  Protection  of  the  church  and  chapel,  the  syna¬ 
gogue,  the  meetinghouse  of  every  kind,  and  promotion 
of  the  service  of  God  and  his  children,  for  which  they 
stand  —  such  is  one  of  the  brightest  stars  in  our  flag’s 
constellation. 

America,  the  home  of  the  homeless,  the  refuge  of  the 
exile  and  the  outcast  —  such  is  another  of  our  great 
ideals.  Thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  of  emigrants 
from  every  clime  and  nation  have  poured  into  our  broad 
lands  in  an  ever-increasing  stream,  finding  homes  for 
themselves  and  helping  greatly  to  develop  the  country’s 


THE  AMERICAN  FLAG 


147 


resources.  The  reflection  of  this  great  fact,  also  unparal¬ 
leled  in  the  world’s  history,  forms  one  of  the  brightest 
stars  or  stripes  in  our  country’s  flag ;  and  I  have  never 
seen  the  flag  waving  in  a  city  of  some  foreign  land  with¬ 
out  thinking  of  this  world  hospitality  for  which  it  stands. 

The  successful  inauguration  of  popular  self-govern¬ 
ment —  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people  and  for 
the  people  —  this  forms  another  and  one  of  the  proudest 
pages  in  our  country’s  history.  Immigrant  and  native 
alike  are  enrolled  in  the  ranks  of  a  common  citizenship 
and  march  together  to  the  polls,  where  heads  are  counted, 
and  not  broken  as  they  are  on  battlefields,  and  where 
the  people  decide  for  themselves  who  shall  make  their 
laws  and  execute  them,  and  usually,  indeed,  what  laws 
they  shall  make.  Your  own  great  fellow  citizen,  Abraham 
Lincoln,  gave  expression  to  this  ideal  when  he  said  that 
no  man  was  good  enough  or  wise  enough  to  rule  over 
another  man  without  that  other  man’s  consent.  And 
although  the  people  sometimes  make  mistakes  and  follow 
the  wrong  leaders,  we  can  still  accept  as  true  another  of 
Lincoln’s  sayings,  that,  though  you  can  fool  all  of  the 
people  some  of  the  time,  and  some  of  the  people  all  of 
the  time,  you  can’t  fool  all  of  the  people  all  of  the  time. 
Is  it  not  a  truly  glorious  inspiration  to  see  in  our  coun¬ 
try’s  flag  this  lesson  which  it  was  first  to  teach  the  modern 
world,  that  the  people  can  rule  themselves,  and  that  on 
the  whole  they  will  rule  wisely  and  well  ? 

Another  political  ideal  which  our  fathers  have  realized, 
side  by  side  with  that  of  self-government,  is  the  ideal  of 
union.  Every  township,  city,  county  and  state  in  our 
great  continental  domain  is  ruled  by  its  own  people ; 
and  yet  from  Maine  to  California,  from  Dakota  to  Texas, 


148 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


we  are  all  united  in  a  single  national  government.  This 
problem  of  e  pluribus  unum ,  of  making  one  out  of  many, 
of  creating  a  strong  national  government  and  at  the  same 
time  leaving  self-government  in  the  hands  of  the  people 
in  their  local  communities,  is  one  of  the  most  difficult 
political  problems  which  the  minds  of  men  have  ever 
been  called  upon  to  solve.  And  yet  how  marvelously 
have  our  fathers  solved  it !  How  strong  are  the  forces 
which  bind  our  people  together  in  the  national  Union, 
and  how  perfect  is  the  governmental  machinery  which 
has  been  provided  for  their  operation  !  In  their  presence 
disunion  has  disappeared  a  dozen  times  in  our  history ; 
and  in  their  presence  even  the  battlefields  of  Vicksburg 
and  Gettysburg  dwindle  into  insignificance.  The  Stars  and 
Stripes  themselves  bear  visible  testimony  to  the  triumph 
of  this  great  American  ideal ;  for  while  the  thirteen  stripes 
commemorate  the  union  of  the  thirteen  original  com¬ 
monwealths,  a  new  star  is  added  to  the  field  of  blue  for 
each  new  state  admitted  to  the  Union,  until  at  length 
there  are  forty-six  shining  within  its  firmament.1 

It  is  the  realization  of  the  ideal  of  union  in  so  mar¬ 
velous  a  way  which  gives  us  great  hopes  for  the  speedy 
realization  of  the  last  American  ideal  of  which  I  shall 
speak  to  you  to-day.  There  is  meeting  at  the  present 
time,  in  your  great  city  of  Chicago,  a  National  Peace 
Congress,  to  which  have  come  representatives  from  more 
than  half  a  dozen  other  nations  of  the  earth.  The  sessions 
of  this  congress  are  devoted  to  the  ideal  of  a  fraternal 
union  between  all  the  members  of  the  family  of  nations 
—  a  union  in  which  law  and  justice  shall  take  the  place  of 
force  and  warfare,  in  which  the  smallest  and  the  largest 

1  This  was  written  in  1909.  There  are  now  forty-eight  states. 


THE  AMERICAN  FLAG 


149 


nation  shall  be  on  the  same  terms  of  equality  before  the 
law  of  nations,  as  are  mighty  Texas  and  "  Little  Rhody  ” 
in  the  presence  of  the  American  Constitution.  The  inclu¬ 
sion  of  forty-six  commonwealths,  some  of  which  are  like 
mighty  empires  in  themselves,  within  a  single  political 
union  ;  the  enrollment  within  a  single  citizenship  of  men 
of  every  kindred,  tongue  and  people ;  the  peaceful  resi¬ 
dence,  side  by  side,  of  men  from  every  land  and  clime ; 
and  the  maintenance  of  genuine  local  self-government 
—  such  are  the  political  triumphs  achieved  by  our  fore¬ 
fathers.  And  these  triumphs  give  a  great  hope  and  a 
great  incentive  to  us,  their  descendants,  to  strive  with 
might  and  main  to  realize  this  last,  international,  ideal 
of  which  I  spoke. 

One  of  our  great  secretaries  of  state,  John  Hay,  who 
first  became  famous  as  a  poet  of  your  own  state  of 
Illinois,  has  expressed  the  true  American  feeling  in  re¬ 
gard  to  warfare  among  nations  in  these  stern  but  wholly 
truthful  words.  "War,”  he  said,  "is  the  most  ferocious 
and  futile  of  human  follies.”  It  was  this  same  great 
statesman  also,  who,  in  his  instructions  to  our  American 
delegates  to  the  First  Hague  Conference,  said,  "  Next  to 
the  great  fact  of  a  nation’s  independence  is  the  great  fact 
of  its  interdependence .” 

International  peace  and  interdependence  —  such  are 
the  foundations  upon  which  our  ideal  of  internationalism 
must  be  realized.  What  country  is  better  fitted  than  the 
great  peaceful  republic  of  the  western  hemisphere  to 
take  the  lead  in  the  realization  of  this  ideal ;  and  what 
generation  of  American  citizens  can  be  more  bound  than 
the  present  one,  by  the  benefits  they  have  received,  to 
strive  their  utmost  for  its  realization  ?  Thanks  to  the 


150 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


courage  and  devotion  of  generations  of  our  ancestors, 
American  history  is  rich  indeed  in  the  realization  of  high 
ideals,  and  the  American  flag  is  radiant  with  the  reflec¬ 
tion  of  them.  Let  us  see  to  it  that  our  generation  shall 
not  pass  away  without  realizing  this  great  ideal  of  inter¬ 
national  peace  and  justice.  And  then  our  children  and 
our  children’s  children,  pointing  to  the  pure  white  border 
which,  in  token  of  a  flag  of  peace,  shall  surround  the  Stars 
and  Stripes,  shall  say,  That  is  the  emblem  of  interna¬ 
tional  peace  and  good  will  which  our  fathers  strove 
manfully  to  realize  for  themselves  and  for  all  the  world, 
and  which,  like  a  silver  frame  round  a  picture  of  gold, 
beautifies  and  hallows  all  that  is  within,  and  makes 
doubly  dear  to  us  the  dear  old  flag. 


XIV 


THE  RECENT  PROGRESS  OF  INTERNATIONAL 

ARBITRATION 

International  arbitration,  like  all  other  great  move¬ 
ments  in  the  world’s  progress,  has  had  to  make  its  way 
slowly  and  to  overcome  skepticism  and  active  hostility. 
Less  than  forty  years  ago,  March  3,  1873,  Lord  Salis¬ 
bury,  in  speaking  of  the  Alabama  arbitration,  said :  "I 
am  afraid  that,  like  competitive  examinations  and  sewage 
irrigation,  arbitration  is  one  of  the  famous  nostrums  of 
the  age.  Like  them  it  will  have  its  day  and  will  pass 
away,  and  future  ages  will  look  with  pity  and  contempt 
on  those  who  could  have  believed  in  such  an  expedient 
for  bridling  the  ferocity  of  human  passions.”  During  the 
next  twenty  years  Lord  Salisbury  saw  a  great  light,  and 
under  its  beneficent  influence  he  exclaimed,  in  a  speech 
at  St.  Leonard’s  during  the  summer  of  1892  :  "  After  all, 
the  great  triumph  of  civilization  in  the  past  has  been  in 
the  substitution  of  judicial  termination  for  the  cold,  cruel, 
crude  arbitrament  of  war.  We  have  got  rid  of  private 
war  between  small  magnate  and  small  magnate.  In  this 
country  we  have  got  rid  of  the  duel  between  man  and 
man.  We  are  slowly,  as  far  as  we  can,  substituting  ar¬ 
bitrament  for  struggles  in  international  disputes.”  Had 
this  eminent  English  statesman  lived  another  score  of 
years,  he  would  doubtless  have  yielded  entirely  to  the 
logic  of  experience  and  reason,  and  been  fully  abreast  of 

151 


152 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


the  leaders  of  1912  in  the  cause  of  arbitration;  in  par¬ 
ticular,  he  would  doubtless  have  joined  the  leading  states¬ 
men  of  England  to-day  in  cordially  welcoming  President 
Taft’s  proposal  to  arbitrate  all  justiciable  international 
disputes.  A  brief  review  of  the  recent  history  of  arbitra¬ 
tion  will  make  clear  the  reason  for  this  great  reversal  of 
judgment  between  the  Salisbury  of  1878  and  the  Taft 
of  1912. 

The  modern  history  of  arbitration  begins,  practically, 
with  the  arbitration  clauses  in  the  Jay  treaty  of  1794 
between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain.  These 
clauses  contributed  to  the  general  unpopularity  of  the 
treaty,  which  put  an  end  to  the  public  career  of  its 
author  and  helped  to  prevent  him,  one  of  the  three  or 
four  greatest  of  our  early  statesmen,  from  being  elected 
to  the  presidency  of  the  republic. 

In  accordance  with  this  treaty  the  northeast  bound¬ 
ary  line  of  the  United  States  was  submitted  to  arbitration 
in  1796  ;  and  during  the  century  and  a  quarter  which 
followed,  there  have  been  settled  by  arbitration  eight 
different  disputes  connected  with  the  boundary  line  be¬ 
tween  the  United  States  and  Canada.  As  a  result  of  the 
successive  applications  of  judicial  principles  to  these  in¬ 
ternational  disputes,  not  only  has  this  long  boundary  line 
of  nearly  four  thousand  miles  been  definitively  settled, 
but  the  maintenance  of  peace  between  the  two  countries 
has  been  made  possible  throughout  a  century  without 
the  "  protection  of  a  single  fort  stationed  at  any  point 
of  this  continental  dividing  line. 

In  addition  to  these  eight  boundary  disputes,  eleven 
other  disputes  between  the  United  States  and  Canada 
have  been  referred  to  arbitral  settlement  and  brought  to 

O 


RECENT  PROGRESS  OE  ARBITRATION 


153 


a  successful  conclusion.  The  past  at  least  is  secure  ;  and 
the  future  peaceful  relations  between  the  two  great 
American  neighbors  are  provided  for,  in  hopeful  meas¬ 
ure,  by  the  General  Arbitration  Treaty  of  1908,  which  pro¬ 
vides  for  the  reference  of  certain  classes  of  disputes  to 
the  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  at  The  Hague,  and 
by  the  waterways  treaty  of  1909,  which  provides  that 
every  dispute  relating  to  the  boundary  waters  may  be 
submitted  to  an  international  joint  commission  appointed 
by  the  two  governments. 

The  history  of  the  arbitration  of  differences  between 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  the  mother  country 
of  Canada  and  the  United  States  alike,  has  been  full  of 
instruction  and  inspiration.  Beginning  with  the  two  ar¬ 
bitrations  provided  for  by  the  Jay  treaty  of  1794  (Ar¬ 
ticles  VI  and  VII),  and  excluding  the  Canadian  disputes, 
the  two  countries  have  settled  by  peaceful  arbitration  no 
less  than  nineteen  disputes.  Within  this  list  have  been 
several  questions  of  grave  importance,  affecting  the  honor 
and  vital  interests  of  both  parties.  The  Geneva  award  of 
1872,  which  settled  the  Alabama  claims,  stands  out  as 
the  great  beacon  light  in  the  path  of  nineteenth-century 
arbitration ;  and  the  Hague  court’s  settlement  of  the 
North  Atlantic  Coast  Fisheries  case  in  1910  is  a  shining 
illustration  of  the  ease  with  which  judicial  procedure 
put  a  quietus  upon  a  controversy  which  had  vexed  the 
channels  of  diplomacy  for  nearly  three  quarters  of  a 
century. 

The  crown  of  this  history  of  Anglo-American  arbi¬ 
tration  is  the  General  Arbitration  Treaty,  negotiated 
between  the  two  governments  in  1911.  Of  such  funda¬ 
mental  and  far-reaching  importance  is  this  treaty  that  a 


154 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


brief  sketch  of  the  steps  leading  up  to  it  should  prove 
instructive  and  encouraging. 

The  Geneva  award  was  so  eminently  successful  that 
international  arbitration  became  a  familiar  "  plank  ”  in 
the  presidential  platforms  of  both  the  great  American 
parties,  while  various  proposals  were  introduced  in  the 
United  States  Congress  for  negotiating  a  general  treaty 
of  arbitration  with  Great  Britain.  These  advances  met 
with  cordial  response  in  the  British  Parliament,  two 
hundred  thirty-two  of  its  members  signing  in  1887  a 
memorial,  which  was  prepared  by  Randal  Cremer  and 
which  promised  support  to  the  proposed  treaty  as  soon  as 
it  should  be  negotiated.  Eleven  members  of  Parliament 
and  three  representatives  of  the  Trades  Union  Congress 
came  to  Washington  and,  introduced  by  Andrew  Car¬ 
negie  to  President  Cleveland,  presented  the  memorial 
to  him  and  visited  in  its  behalf  both  Houses  of  Congress. 
After  the  presidential  election  of  1888  h.ad  allayed  the 
party  fear  of  losing  "  the  Irish  vote,”  the  two  Houses 
passed  a  concurrent  resolution  (June  14,  1889)  request¬ 
ing  the  President  to  negotiate  arbitration  treaties  with 
other  governments,  and  large  public  meetings  in  support 
of  the  resolution  were  held  in  a  number  of  American 
cities  and  were  addressed  by  members  of  the  British 
deputation  and  by  American  orators  as  well. 

During  four  years  after  his  return  from  America 
Randal  Cremer  made  repeated  endeavors  to  secure  the 
adoption  by  the  British  Parliament  of  a  resolution  similar 
to  that  adopted  by  the  United  States  Congress,  and  finally 
succeeded  hi  doing  so  (June  16,  1893)  with  the  assist¬ 
ance  of  Gladstone,  Sir  John  Lubbock,  Sir  William  Har- 
court  and  others.  President  Cleveland,  meanwhile,  had 


RECENT  PROGRESS  OF  ARBITRATION 


155 


entered  upon  his  second  term,  and  Cremer  procured  the 
signatures  of  three  hundred  fifty -four  members  of  Parlia¬ 
ment  to  a  second  memorial  advocating  a  treaty,  and 
presented  this  memorial  to  the  President  and  to  the 
Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  in  January, 
1895.  Although  both  governments  seemed  favorable 
to  the  proposed  treaty,  its  negotiation  was  retarded, 
first,  by  the  death  of  Secretary  Gresham  in  May,  and 
then  by  the  crisis  of  the  \renezuela  boundary  dispute, 
which  occurred  in  December,  1895. 

After  the  Venezuela  dispute  had  been  peaceably  set¬ 
tled,  and  largely  in  consequence  of  the  popular  alarm 
at  the  imminence  of  the  war  which  it  had  threatened, 
Mr.  Gresham’s  successor,  Secretary  Olney,  negotiated  with 
the  British  ambassador,  Sir  Julian  Pauncefote,  a  treaty 
of  arbitration,  which  was  signed  January  11,  1897. 
When  this  was  submitted  to  the  United  States  Senate 
for  ratification  it  received  an  affirmative  vote  of  43  and 
a  negative  vote  of  26,  thus  lacking  three  votes  of  the 
necessary  two-thirds  majority.  Its  defeat  has  been  attrib¬ 
uted  to  the  opposition  of  Senator  Morgan  of  Alabama, 
who  had  participated  in,  but  had  not  been  satisfied  by, 
the  recent  Bering  Sea  arbitration,  and  to  that  of  Michael 
Davitt,  the  Irish  agitator,  who  was  in  the  United  States 
at  the  time  and  who  exerted  a  great  influence  upon  the 
Irish  American  constituents  of  members  of  Congress. 

The  next  great  impetus  toward  the  negotiation  of  gen¬ 
eral  arbitration  treaties  was  given  by  the  First  Hague 
Conference,  held  in  1899.  President  McKinley’s  great 
Secretary  of  State,  John  Hay,  who  had  aided  that  Con¬ 
ference  in  notable  ways,  negotiated  with  Great  Britain 
and  other  countries  treaties  which  provided  for  the 


156 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


submission  to  arbitration  of  practically  all  questions  not 
affecting  "  the  vital  interests,  the  independence  or  the 
honor  of  the  two  contracting  states,”  and  not  concerning 
"  the  interests  of  third  parties.”  They  were  submitted 
to  the  Senate  for  ratification  in  1905,  but  because  of 
the  fact  that  under  them  the  compromise  or  special 
agreement  which  must  be  entered  into  in  each  particular 
case  for  the  purpose  of  defining  the  questions  and  the 
powers  of  the  arbitrators  in  that  case,  was  to  be  made  by 
the  executive  without  reference  to  the  Senate ;  the  Sen¬ 
ate  by  a  vote  of  more  than  five  to  one  amended  them  so 
as  to  secure  to  itself  for  advice  and  consent  the  sub¬ 
mission  of  all  such  special  agreements.  In  this  amended 
form  they  were  not  presented  by  the  executive  to  Great 
Britain  and  the  other  powers,  and  hence  did  not  become 
operative. 

The  Second  Hague  Conference  gave  a  renewed  and 
powerful  impulse  to  the  furtherance  of  arbitration,  and 
Mr.  Hay’s  successor  as  Secretary  of  State,  Elihu  Root, 
who  also  rendered  ever-memorable  services  toward  the 
work  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference,  made  his  term  of 
service  illustrious  by  the  negotiation  of  more  than  a  score 
of  arbitration  treaties  with  various  countries.  These 
treaties  provided  for  the  arbitration  of  all  questions,  with 
the  exceptions  noted  before,  and  recognized  the  right  of 
the  Senate  to  advise  and  consent  to  all  special  agree¬ 
ments  made  under  them.  One  of  them  was  negotiated 
with  Great  Britain  and  went  into  operation  June  4,  1908, 
to  remain  in  force  during  the  period  of  five  years. 

It  was  by  the  proclamation  of  President  Taft  that  this 
treaty  became  national  law,  and  it  was  due  to  his  initi¬ 
ative  that  the  latest  and,  for  several  reasons,  the  greatest 


RECENT  PROGRESS  OF  ARBITRATION  157 


step  in  the  development  of  international  arbitration  has 
been  taken.  In  an  address  in  New  York,  March  22, 
1910,  given  under  the  auspices  of  the  American  Peace 
and  Arbitration  League,  President  Taft  said :  "I  have 
noticed  exceptions  in  our  arbitration  treaties,  as  to  refer¬ 
ence  of  questions  of  national  honor  to  courts  of  arbitration. 
Personally  I  do  not  see  any  more  reason  why  matters  of 
national  honor  should  not  be  referred  to  a  court  of  arbi¬ 
tration  than  matters  of  property  or  of  national  proprietor¬ 
ship.  I  know  that  is  going  farther  than  most  men  are 
willing  to  go ;  but  I  do  not  see  why  questions  of  honor 
may  not  be  submitted  to  a  tribunal  composed  of  men  of 
honor,  who  understand  questions  of  national  honor,  to 
abide  by  their  decision,  as  well  as  any  other  questions 
of  difference  arising  between  nations.” 

Under  the  influence  of  such  words  from  so  responsible 
a  source,  negotiations  were  soon  begun  between  the  gov¬ 
ernment  of  the  United  States  and  that  of  Great  Britain, 
which  resulted  in  the  famous  treaty  signed  by  its  nego¬ 
tiators  August  3,  1911,  and  submitted  to  the  Senate  for 
ratification  one  week  later. 

This  treaty  attracted  the  absorbed  interest  and  solici¬ 
tude  of  the  entire  family  of  nations  because  of  the  ad¬ 
vanced  ground  which  it  took  by  its  provisions,  first,  for 
the  arbitration  of  all  justiciable  disputes,  and  second,  for 
the  establishment  of  a  joint  high  commission  of  inquiry 
designed  to  determine  the  justiciability  or  nonjusticia¬ 
bility  of  concrete  cases  as  they  arise.1  During  the  Senate’s 
consideration  of  the  treaty  an  unprecedented  campaign 
of  education  in  favor  of  arbitration  in  general  and  of 

1  For  a  discussion  of  the  significance  of  these  provisions  of  the  treaty, 
see  above,  pp.  68-81. 


158 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


the  treaty  in  particular  was  carried  on  in  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain.  Many  large  public  meetings 
were  held  in  the  great  cities  of  the  two  countries ; 
countless  petitions  were  sent  to  the  Senate ;  a  large  vol¬ 
ume  of  exposition  and  exhortation  flowed  from  the  press  ; 
the  church,  the  school,  the  women’s  clubs  and  the  world 
of  business  made  their  voices  heard  in  varying  key  but 
in  no  uncertain  sound  in  favor  of  the  treaty’s  ratification. 

But  the  Senate’s  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations 
presented  a  majority  report  adverse  to  the  treaty’s  ratifi¬ 
cation  as  submitted ;  the  militant,  and  sections  of  the 
Irish  and  the  German,  vote  cast  their  shadow  upon  it 
from  the  approaching  presidential  campaign,  and  Mr. 
Roosevelt  made  opposition  to  it  one  of  the  entering 
wedges  of  the  political  agitation  which  was  designed 
to  land  him  for  a  third  term  in  the  White  House.  Under 
the  combined  influence  of  these  adverse  forces  the  Sen¬ 
ate  amended  the  treaty  in  such  fashion  as  greatly  to 
restrict  the  scope  of  the  arbitration  provided  by  it,  and 
virtually  to  destroy  the  prime  function  of  the  Joint  High 
Commission  of  Inquiry.  Under  these  circumstances  Pres¬ 
ident  Taft  has  not  submitted  the  amended  treaty  to  the 
governments  of  Great  Britain  and  France  for  their  accept¬ 
ance.  As  William  Pitt  folded  up  the  map  of  Europe 
after  the  news  of  Austerlitz,  to  wait  for  more  auspicious 
times  to  further  his  measures  of  national  independence 
and  domestic  reform,  so  President  Taft  is  wisely  wait¬ 
ing  for  the  present  cyclone  of  personal  and  party  pol¬ 
itics  to  spend  its  fury  before  taking  up  again  the  task 
of  leading  the  United  States  and  Europe  through  chan¬ 
nels  of  bulwarked  justice  into  the  haven  of  assured 
international  peace. 


RECENT  PROGRESS  OF  ARBITRATION 


159 


Not  only  as  between  the  English-speaking  peoples  has 
the  United  States  proved  its  confidence  in  arbitration. 
It  has  been  a  party  to  a  total  of  more  than  one  hun¬ 
dred  arbitrations,  and  four  fifths  of  these  have  been  with 
non-English-speaking  peoples.  It  has  negotiated  a  large 
number  of  arbitration  treaties  with  the  rest  of  the  world, 
and  is  now  a  party  to  twenty -five  such  treaties  negotiated 
since  March,  1908.  With  her  sister  republics  of  Latin 
America  the  United  States  has  adjusted  by  arbitration 
more  than  forty  international  disputes.  At  times  the 
great  republic  of  the  north  is  regarded  by  Latin  Amer¬ 
ica  as  a  guardian  angel,  and  at  other  times  as  a  men¬ 
acing  ogre  flourishing  "  the  big  stick  ”  and  seeking  what 
it  can  devour.  But  there  is  much  in  the  history  of  this 
frequent  arbitration  to  give  satisfaction  with  the  past 
and  hope  for  the  future. 

Boundary  disputes  and  hundreds  of  personal-indem¬ 
nity  claims  have  been  arbitrated  between  the  United 
States  .and  Mexico;  the  treaty  of  1889  provided  for  a 
permanent  Boundary  Commission  to  determine  questions 
arising  from  the  changing  courses  of  the  Rio  Grande  and 
Colorado  rivers ;  and  the  first  case  referred  to  the  Per¬ 
manent  Court  at  The  Hague  —  the  case  which  enabled 
that  court  to  spring  from  its  apparently  stillborn  or 
moribund  apathy  into  beneficent  activity  —  was  the  Pious 
Funds  case  of  1902,  which  settled  a  dispute  of  more 
than  a  half,  century’s  standing.  With  thirteen  other 
American  republics  the  United  States  has  arbitrated 
difficulties  of  varied  kinds ;  and,  following  her  course 
with  Mexico,  she  has  stood  with  Venezuela  also  before 
the  court  at  The  Hague  in  1910,  for  the  arbitral  settle¬ 
ment  of  the  Orinoco  Steamship  Company  dispute. 


160 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


By  precept  and  example  the  United  States  has  urged 
upon  her  American  neighbors  the  right  and  the  expedi¬ 
ency  of  international  arbitration,  and  they  have  been 
most  honorably  active  in  their  response.  Eighteen  of  the 
twenty  Latin  American  republics  have  adopted  it  for  the 
settlement  of  more  than  one  hundred  differences  arising 
among  themselves  or  with  other  countries.  All  of  them 
accepted  the  Convention  of  the  First  Hague  Confer¬ 
ence  for  the  Pacific  Settlement  of  International  Differ¬ 
ences ;  Venezuela  has  appeared  twice  before  the  Hague 
Court,  and  Mexico  once ;  and  five  Central  American  re¬ 
publics  have  joined  in  the  establishment  of  the  Central 
American  Court  of  Justice.  This  court,  agreed  upon  by 
Guatemala,  Honduras,  Salvador,  Nicaragua  and  Costa 
Rica  at  the  First  Central  American  Peace  Conference, 
held  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  in  1907,  was  organized  the 
next  year  and  has  adjudicated  two  disputes :  the  first, 
in  1908,  between  the  governments  of  Honduras,  Salvador 
and  Guatemala;  the  second,  in  1909,  between  a  .citizen 
of  Nicaragua  and  the  government  of  Guatemala.  Located 
in  a  beautiful  courthouse,  built  in  Cartago,  Costa  Rica, 
by  the  generosity  of  Mr.  Carnegie,  and  rebuilt  by  his 
provision  in  San  Jose  after  an  earthquake  had  destroyed 
the  first  structure,  this  court  has  demonstrated  the  ability 
of  a  judicial  tribunal  both  to  abate  revolution,  the  chief 
scourge  of  Latin  America,  and  to  adjudicate  between 
individuals  and  governments  as  well  as  between  govern¬ 
ments  themselves.  Such  is  one  most  promising  result,  on 
the  international  plane,  of  the  experiment  begun  in  1787 
and  embodied  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 

The  Latin  American  republics,  too,  have  eagerly 
adopted  the  policy  of  preparing  for  peace  in  time  of  peace 


RECENT  PROGRESS  OF  ARBITRATION  161 


by  negotiating  treaties  of  arbitration  with  each  other  and 
with  other  countries ;  just  half  of  the  one  hundred  fifty- 
four  treaties  of  arbitration  at  present  in  force  between 
pairs  of  nations  have  been  entered  into  by  them,  every 
one  of  the  twenty  republics  having  become  a  party  to 
one  or  more  of  these  treaties.  The  treaty  of  1902  be¬ 
tween  Argentina  and  Chile  is  especially  noteworthy  for 
the  twofold  reason  that  it  provides  for  a  limitation  of 
armaments  and  for  the  obligatory  arbitration  of  all 
classes  of  disputes  without  restriction. 

Latin  America  rallied  nobly  to  the  support  of  a  world 
treaty  of  general  obligatory  arbitration  proposed  by  the 
United  States,  and  a  world  treaty  of  specific  obligatory 
arbitration  proposed  by  Great  Britain  and  Portugal  at 
the  Second  Hague  Conference ;  and,  on  the  motion  of 
Peru,  the  Conference  adopted  the  plan  of  facilitating 
a  resort  to  voluntary  arbitration  by  enabling  one  party 
to  a  dispute  to  notify  the  International  Bureau  at  The 
Hague  of  its  willingness  to  arbitrate,  instead  of  requiring 
it  to  give  this  notice  directly  to  its  opponent. 

But  it  is  not  only  in  the  New  World,  where  forty-eight 
self-governing  commonwealths  live  under  one  flag,  one 
nationality  and  one  jurisdiction,  and  where  twenty-one 
republics  are  striving  to  maintain  their  mutual  relations 
in  peace  and  justice,  that  arbitration  has  grown  and 
flourished  like  the  trees  of  its  tropics  and  the  fruits  of 
its  fields.  The  Old  World,  too,  has  felt  the  impulse  of 
the  life-giving  principle  of  arbitration  and  can  point  to 
many  and  important  applications  of  it.  Nearly  two  thirds 
of  the  six  hundred  arbitrations  have  been  participated 
in  by  European  states,  and  about  one  twelfth  by  those 
of  Asia  and  Africa.  Great  Britain  heads  the  list  with  a 


162 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


total  of  one  hundred  seventy  arbitrations  to  her  credit ; 
the  various  German  states  come  next,  with  one  hundred 
twenty-three;  and  France  a  close  third,  with  one  hundred 
nine.  Each  of  these  great  powers  has  submitted  to  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Hague  Court  —  Great  Britain  in  five  of 
the  twelve  cases  decided  by  it,  France  in  six  and  Ger¬ 
many  in  three.  One  of  the  latter  cases,  the  Casablanca 
case  of  1909,  is  of  exceptional  interest  from  the  European 
point  of  view,  for  the  reason  that  it  was  a  dispute  be¬ 
tween  the  recent  foes  and  constant  rivals,  France  and 
Germany. 

The  great  powers  of  Asia,  Japan  and  China  have  not 
been  passed  over  by  this  element  of  Occidental  civiliza¬ 
tion,  the  former  power  having  participated  in  four  arbi¬ 
trations  and  the  latter  in  eight.  Japan,  too,  like  the 
great  powers  of  the  West,  has  submitted  to  the  jurisdic¬ 
tion  of  the  Ftague  Court  in  the  Japanese  House  Tax 
case  of  1905. 

The  Old  World  has  done  its  full  share  in  weaving  the 
network  of  treaties  of  obligatory  arbitration  by  which 
the  nations  have  become  bound  together.  Of  the  one 
hundred  fifty-four  such  treaties  in  force  at  the  present 
time,  one  hundred  five  have  been  participated  in  by  the 
governments  of  Europe  and  Asia,  including  the  six  great 
powers  of  Europe  and  Japan  and  China.  Denmark  has 
followed  the  example  of  Argentina  and  Chile  in  negotiat¬ 
ing  treaties  of  obligatory  arbitration,  inclusive  of  all 
classes  of  genuinely  international  disputes,  with  the 
Netherlands,  Italy  and  Portugal. 

In  the  light  of  the  foregoing  facts  it  is  seen  that  arbi¬ 
tration  has  swept  around  the  world  along  the  three  lines  of 
the  negotiation  of  arbitration  treaties,  the  establishment 


RECENT  PROGRESS  OF  ARBITRATION  163 


of  courts  of  arbitral  justice  and  the  settlement  of  inter¬ 
national  disputes  by  arbitral  awards.  The  past  at  least 
is  secure,  but  the  present  and  the  future  are  demand¬ 
ing  further  progress  along  each  of  these  three  lines. 

In  the  negotiation  of  treaties  of  arbitration  a  per¬ 
manent  world  treaty  must  replace  the  twenty-three 
hundred  fifty-two  temporary  treaties  requisite  for  the 
binding  of  the  nations  together  in  pairs.  Such  a  treaty 
of  arbitration  will  not  only  become  universal,  embracing 
every  member  of  the  family  of  nations  beneath  its  aegis, 
but  will  receive  the  direct  sanction  of  the  entire  family 
of  nations  and  will  make  its  observance  the  duty  and 
the  right  of  all. 

In  the  establishment  of  international  courts  of  arbitral 
justice  an  advance  must  be  made  from  temporary  tribu¬ 
nals,  constituted  for  the  decision  of  special  cases  as  these 
arise,  to  a  permanent  court  which  shall  be  vested  with 
all  the  dignity  and  potency  that  come  to  a  perpetual 
font  of  "  justice  broadening  down  from  precedent  unto 
precedent  ”  —  a  court  which  shall  be  representative  of 
the  family  of  nations  as  a  whole,  but  not  of  any  special 
interests  that  may  come  before  it,  and  which  shall  hand 
down  not  diplomatic  compromises  but  genuine  awards 
of  justice  based  upon  a  slowly  growing  and  universally 
accepted  code  of  international  law  and  equity. 

In  the  settlement  of  international  disputes  the  appeal 
to  the  god  of  battles  must  be  replaced  entirely  by  an 
appeal  to  law  and  justice  ;  the  world  treaty  of  arbitration 
must  reject  exceptions  based  on  "  honor  and  vital  inter¬ 
ests,”  and  must  include,  like  those  of  1911  negotiated 
between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  and  France, 
at  least  all  justiciable  cases ;  and  an  international  grand 


164 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


jury,  the  germ  of  which  emerged  in  the  American -British- 
French  treaties  of  1911,  must  decide  upon  the  justicia¬ 
bility  of  disputes  and  bring  them  without  hesitation  or 
resistance  before  the  court  of  international  justice. 

Behind  this  arbitration  of  the  future,  based  as  it  will 
be  upon  a  treaty  uniting  every  government,  enforced  by 
a  genuine  international  Supreme  Court  and  embracing 
every  serious  dispute  which  can  arise  between  nations, 
there  will  form  the  invincible  power  of  a  world-wide  and 
enlightened  public  opinion,  while  above  it  will  brood  the 
benign  spirit  of  permanent  international  peace. 


XY 


THE  INSTRUMENTALITIES  OF  THE  NEW 
PEACE  MOVEMENT 

Like  other  progressive  movements  in  history,  the 
Peace  Movement  has  endeavored  to  forge  new  weapons 
for  its  use,  —  if  so  military  a  simile  may  be  applied  to 
it,  —  so  that  changed  conditions  and  new  opportunities 
may  be  successfully  met.  The  spirit  and  object  of  the 
new  movement  are  the  same  which  for  centuries  have  in¬ 
spired  the  efforts  of  many  generations  of  peace  workers, 
and  some  of  the  instrumentalities  of  to-day  are  the  same 
as  those  of  a  century  ago,  while  others  are  quite  new 
and  recently  adopted. 

The  second  quarter  of  the  last  century  saw  the  sessions 
of  five  General  Peace  Congresses  held  in  the  capitals 
of  Europe  ;  and  the  last  quarter  century  has  seen  this 
effective  instrumentality  revived  and  used  on  a  larger 
and  more  regular  scale.  Beginning  with  1889,  nineteen 
Universal  Peace  Congresses  have  been  held  in  the  large 
cities  of  both  the  Old  World  and  the  New,  one  meeting 
in  Chicago  in  1893,  and  one  in  Boston  in  1904.  Not 
only  have  the  discussions  and  resolutions  of  these  con¬ 
gresses  done  much  to  mold  public  opinion,  but  the  inter¬ 
mingling  of  delegates  from  many  lands  has  promoted 
mutual  understanding  between  the  nations,  and  their 
presence  has  impressed  in  many  helpful  ways  the  public . 
mind  of  the  country  in  which  they  met. 

165 


166 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


In  July,  1911,  an  international  congress  of  a  most  in¬ 
teresting  and  promising  kind  held  its  first  session  in 
London.  This  is  the  LTniversal  Races  Congress,  which 
is  designed  to  destroy  the  race  prejudice  which  handicaps 
the  Occident  in  its  efforts  to  understand  and  appreciate 
the  excellencies  of  Oriental  character,  individual  and  na¬ 
tional.  An  International  Council  of  One  Hundred  was 
created  by  the  congress,  which  is  intrusted  with  the  task 
of  "  promoting  cordial  relations  between  all  divisions  of 
mankind,  without  regard  to  race,  color  or  creed,  and, 
in  particular,  of  encouraging  a  good  understanding  be¬ 
tween  East  and  West.”  This  council  is  to  memorialize 
governments  and  scientific  and  humanitarian  societies, 
and  to  shape  popular  education,  in  behalf  of  that  inter¬ 
racial  understanding  and  appreciation  which  is  a  funda¬ 
mental  prerequisite  of  genuine  international  peace  and 
justice. 

The  Institut  de  Droit  International  and  the  Interna¬ 
tional  Law  Association,  both  founded  in  1873,  and  both 
holding  frequent,  nearly  annual,  meetings,  are  designed 
to  promote  the  study  of  international  law  and  the  main¬ 
tenance  of  international  peace.  The  institute  is  a  more 
technical  association,  including  as  it  does  a  maximum  of 
sixty  active  members  and  sixty  associate  members,  elected 
from  the  world’s  leading  international  jurists ;  and  it  has 
rendered  great  service  to  the  new  Peace  Movement  by  its 
initiation  and  elaboration  of  projects  for  the  amelioration 
of  the  customs  of  warfare  and  for  the  practical  applica¬ 
tion  of  the  principles  of  arbitration,  which  formed  the 
basis  of  discussion  and  action  at  the  two  Hague  Confer¬ 
ences.  The  association  includes  within  jts  membership 
publicists,  business  men,  philanthropists  and  statesmen, 


INSTRUMENTALITIES  OF  THE  MOVEMENT  167 


as  well  as  lawyers  and  jurists,  and  its  annual  meetings 
and  publications  help  greatly  to  develop  the  growing 
demand  for  the  reign  of  law  as  regularly  and  surely 
within  the  international  as  within  the  national  domain. 

The  Institut  International  de  la  Paix,  founded  by 
Prince  Albert  of  Monaco  in  1903,  is  another  institution 
established  for  the  purpose  of  spreading  a  knowledge  of 
international  law.  It  makes  use  chiefly  of  the  press  and 
publishes  documents  and  materials  of  various  kinds  re¬ 
lating  chiefly  to  the  new  Peace  Movement. 

Conciliation  Internationale  is  the  name  given  to  a  very 
active  and  far-reaching  association  which  was  founded 
in  1905  by  Baron  d’Estournelles  de  Constant  of  France, 
who  has  performed  such  notably  efficient  service  in  the 
role  of  peacemaker  at  The  Hague,  and  in  Germany,  Great 
Britain,  the  United  States  and  Latin  America.  This 
association  has  a  branch  in  each  of  the  great  nations, 
and  each  national  branch  publishes  a  large  quantity  of 
the  most  recent  material  relating  to  the  Peace  Movement 
and  distributes  it  widely  and  gratuitously.  The  American 
Association  for  International  Conciliation,  as  the  branch 
in  the  United  States  is  called,  has  been  especially  active 
and  influential  in  the  publication  of  small  monographs 
relating  to  many  phases  and  methods  of  international 
conciliation,  and  in  promoting  the  visits  of  distinguished 
foreigners  to  the  United  States,  where  they  have  under¬ 
taken  long  lecture  tours  in  behalf  of  peace  and  justice. 
Such  great  apostles  of  peace  as  Baron  d’Estournelles  of 
France  and  Count  Apponyi  of  Hungary  have  thus  been 
brought  into  contact  with  many  American  audiences  of 
varied  kinds,  — -  as  has  the  Baroness  von  Suttner  under 
other  auspices,  —  and  have  brought  their  thousands  of 


168 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


auditors  under  the  spell  of  their  own  inspiration  for 
international  peace. 

One  most  promising  means  of  promoting  mutual  under¬ 
standing  and  friendship  between  nations,  and  especially 
of  diminishing  the  bad  results  of  governmental  friction 
between  two  rival  or  semihostile  nations,  is  that  of 
arranging  an  interchange  of  visits  between  national  del¬ 
egations  of  leaders  in  various  spheres  of  national  life. 
Such  interchanges  between  the  representatives  of  indus¬ 
trial  organizations  have  been  of  great  service.  In  the 
summer  of  1908  J.  Allen  Baker,  M.  P.,  of  England,  took 
the  lead  in  organizing  an  eight  days’  visit  to  England  of 
one  hundred  thirty-one  leading  pastors,  priests  and  pro¬ 
fessors,  representative  of  the  State,  Roman  Catholic  and 
Free  churches  of  Germany.  The  party  visited,  under  the 
escort  of  their  British  hosts,  some  of  the  most  noteworthy 
places  in  England,  attended  churches,  held  conferences 
and  meetings,  and  in  a  variety  of  ways  "  gave  practical 
proof  of  their  Christian  fellowship  and  mutual  interest 
in  the  cause  of  international  peace.”  This  visit  was  fol¬ 
lowed  by  a  similar  visit  of  British  clergymen  to  Germany, 
and  of  German  university  students  and  German  journal¬ 
ists  to  England.  The  great  importance  of  developing  a 
genuine  and  lasting  spirit  of  friendship  to  take  the  place 
of  the  recent  strained  relations  between  the  German  and 
British  peoples  has  been  realized  by  the  National  Peace 
Councils  of  both  countries,  which  have  taken  up  the  task 
for  prosecution  along  every  possible  line.  ' 

The  proximity  of  various  European  countries  to  each 
other  has  made  possible  the  extension  of  reciprocal 
holiday  visits  on  a  large  scale  between  the  people  of 
Great  Britain,  Germany,  France,  Belgium  and  Holland. 


INSTRUMENTALITIES  OF  THE  MOVEMENT  169 


.  A  Co-operative  Holidays  Association  has  been  in  opera¬ 
tion  during  the  past  half-dozen  years,  with  branches  and 
holiday  centers  at  various  places,  and  has  greatly  facili¬ 
tated  the  interchange  of  visits,  even  to  the  homes  of  its 
members,  on  the  part  of  school-teachers,  older  school¬ 
boys  and  some  classes  of  the  working  people. 

To  ordinary  tourists  and  holiday  makers  who  visit  the 
Continent  of  Europe,  a  special  appeal  against  war  and 
in  behalf  of  the  peaceful  settlement  of  international 
differences  is  made  by  the  Jean  de  Bloch  Foundation 
and  Museum  of  Peace  and  War.  This  foundation  and 
museum  were  organized  in  1902  in  memory  of  Jean  de 
Bloch,  author  of  the  well-known  work  on  "  The  Future 
of  War.”  The  foundation  was  endowed  by  M.  de  Bloch 
with  50,000  rubles,  and  fulfills  the  function  of  promot¬ 
ing  conferences  on  peace  and  publishing  tracts  on  the 
evil  economic,  moral  and  general  social  results  of  modern 
warfare.  The  museum  was  founded  by  M.  de  Bloch  for 
the  purpose  of  visualizing  in  every  possible  way  the 
results  of  warfare  and  of  armed  peace,  and  of  illustrat¬ 
ing  the  probable  consequences  of  a  future  war  between 
any  of  the  world’s  great  nations.  Located  at  Lucerne, 
Switzerland,  in  the  midst  of  the  surpassingly  lovely 
scenery  of  the  Alps,  it  is  an  impressive  commentary  on 
the  sentiment  of  the  familiar  old  hymn  : 

Where  every  prospect  pleases, 

And  only  man  is  vile. 

The  modern  tendency  of  students  to  seek  educational 
training  abroad  has  been  taken  advantage  of  for  the  fur¬ 
therance  of  international  peace,  and  the  Corda  Fratres, 
or  the  Association  of  Cosmopolitan  Clubs,  as  the  affiliated 


170 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


organization  is  called  in  America,  has  been  formed  for 
the  purpose  of  bringing  together  foreign  students  in 
the  colleges  and  universities  of  many  lands,  of  giving 
them  a  better  understanding  of  each  other  individually 
and  nationally,  and  of  affording  them  a  more  intimate 
knowledge  of  the  people  among  whom  they  are  spending 
their  years  of  study.  The  American  association,  although 
not  yet  a  dozen  years  old,  is  especially  large  and  active, 
being  represented  in  thirty  colleges  and  universities ;  it 
provides  its  large  and  truly  cosmopolitan  membership 
of  more  than  two  thousand  students  with  frequent  oppor¬ 
tunities  to  enjoy  local  hospitality  and  to  further  mutual 
acquaintance ;  and  it  publishes  a  magazine,  the  Cosmo¬ 
politan  Student,  devoted  to  the  interests  of  the  associa¬ 
tion  and  of  international  friendship. 

One  of  the  best  results  of  the  re-established  interna¬ 
tional  peace  congresses  was  the  creation  of  the  Perma¬ 
nent  International  Peace  Bureau,  or  the  Berne  Bureau, 
as  it  is  familiarly  called.  This  was  established  in  1891 
by  the  third  congress  (of  the  second  series),  which  met 
in  Rome  in  that  year.  Its  central  office  is  in  Berne, 
Switzerland;  its  constituency  comprises  both  associations 
and  individuals ;  its  official  organ,  published  for  many 
years  under  the  name  of  Correspondance  bi-mensuelle ,  has 
recently  been  enlarged  and  is  now  published  monthly 
in  several  languages  under  the  title  of  the  Peace  Move¬ 
ment.  The  duties  of  the  bureau  are  to  serve  as  an  inter¬ 
national  clearing  house  and  center  of  co-operation  for 
the  diverse  and  widely  sundered  forces  which  are  work¬ 
ing  for  peace  throughout  the  world ;  to  organize  and 
prepare  programs  for  peace  meetings  and  especially  for 
the  international  congress,  the  resolutions  of  which  body 


INSTRUMENTALITIES  OF  THE  MOVEMENT  171 


it  is  to  carry  out ;  to  build  up  a  collection  of  books  and 
documents  relating  to  peace ;  and  to  report  the  awards 
.  of  arbitral  tribunals  and  other  significant  international 
activities.  The  bureau  has  recently  been  co-operating 
with  the  Carnegie  Endowment  for  International  Peace, 
and,  strengthened  in  part  by  the  financial  resources  of 
that  institution,  it  has  a  rare  opportunity  for  unifying  and 
re-enforcing  the  manifold  agencies  of  world-wide  peace. 

Since  the  declaration  of  war  has  been  pre-eminently  a 
function  of  government,  the  new  Peace  Movement  seeks 
especially  to  bind  the  governments  to  the  work  of  main¬ 
taining  peace ;  and  since  popular  pressure  is  brought  to 
bear  most  directly  upon  governments  either  for  peace 
or  for  war  by  means  of  their  legislative  departments,  the 
new  Peace  Movement  seeks  to  align  in  its  interests  the 
members  of  all  the  world’s  parliaments  and  congresses. 
This  most  promising  and  already  very  fruitful  work  is 
being  accomplished  by  means  of  the  Interparliamentary 
Union,  which  was  founded  in  Paris  in  1889  through 
the  initiative  of  Randal  Cremer.  It  has  grown  gradually 
during  its  short  life,  but  already  includes  more  than 
three  thousand  members  of  legislatures  in  more  than  a 
score  of  constitutionally  governed  states;  and  this  means 
that  practically  all  of  the  important  legislative  bodies 
of  the  world  are  represented  by  about  one  fourth  of 
their  numbers.  The  union  maintains  the  Interparliamen¬ 
tary  Bureau,  which  is  located  in  Brussels  and  is  un¬ 
der  the  efficient  management  of  the  general  secretary, 
Dr.  Christian  L.  Lange,  a  distinguished  parliamentarian 
and  publicist  of  Norway.  An  executive  committee  and 
a  council  keep  the  bureau  in  touch  with  the  union  as  a 
whole,  and  the  union  brings  the  members  of  its  various 


172 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


national  groups  together  in  annual  or  biennial  confer¬ 
ences.  The  members  of  the  national  groups  have  under¬ 
taken  to  secure  the  adoption  in  their  respective  legislatures  . 
of  a  number  of  useful  measures  for  the  amelioration  of  in¬ 
ternational  relations,  and  have  been  successful  in  doing  so 
in  many  important  instances.  The  conferences  have  been 
held  in  the  capitals  or  large  cities  of  Europe,  —  once  at 
St.  Louis,  in  1904,  —  and  have  devoted  themselves  partic¬ 
ularly  to  the  task  of  promoting  the  work  of  the  Hague  Con¬ 
ferences,  especially  the  substitution  of  judicial  process  for 
warfare  in  the  settlement  of  international  disputes. 

The  Hague  Conference  of  1899  owed  its  origin  indi¬ 
rectly  to  the  meeting  of  the  Interparliamentary  Union  at 
Budapest  in  1896,  and  the  Hague  Conference  of  1907 
was  initiated  by  the  union  at  its  meeting  in  St.  Louis  in 
1904.  The  crowning  work  of  the  Hague  Conferences, 
too,  —  the  Convention  for  the  Pacific  Settlement  of  Inter¬ 
national  Disputes  and  the  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitra¬ 
tion, — was  based  largely  upon  the  discussions  and  reports 
of  the  Interparliamentary  Union  in  its  meetings  as  far 
back  as  1894 ;  and  the  interparliamentarians  have  been 
notably  effective  in  promoting  the  negotiation  of  the 
long  series  of  treaties  of  obligatory  arbitration  which  has 
followed  in  the  train  of  the  Hague  Convention. 

Financed  by  the  governments  whose  legislatures  are 
represented  in  the  union,  sustained  by  responsible  mem¬ 
bers  of  constitutional  lawmaking  bodies,  and  directed  by 
statesmen  eminent  both  for  their  practical  sense  and  for 
their  high  ideals,  the  Interparliamentary  Union  is  des¬ 
tined  to  play  a  leading  part  in  the  internationalizing  of 
domestic  legislation  and  in  the  enlightenment  and  ener¬ 
gizing  of  international  official  conferences. 


INSTRUMENTALITIES  OF  THE  MOVEMENT  173 


This  great  development  of  international  activity  in 
behalf  of  international  peace  has  been  reflected  on  a 
smaller  but  none  the  less  promising  scale  in  the  case 
of  Scandinavia  and  America.  The  Interparliamentary 
Union  of  the  North  is  the  name  given  to  the  union  of 
legislators  of  Denmark,  Norway  and  Sweden,  the  object 
of  which  is  to  promote  friendship  and  co-operation  be¬ 
tween  the  three  nations  and  to  assure  their,  independence 
and  national  development  amid  the  possible  clash  of 
rivalries  between  themselves  or  on  the  part  of  the  three 
"  great  powers  ”  of  northern  Europe. 

The  United  States  of  America  has  been  determined 
ever  since  the  promulgation  of  the  Monroe  doctrine  in 
1823  to  prevent  the  extension  to  the  New  World  of  the 
political  intervention  and  colonial  expansion  which  have 
caused  almost  unbroken  warfare  in  the  Old.  With  the 
increase  in  the  prosperity  and  power  of  the  Latin  Amer¬ 
ican  republics,  this  responsibility  has  come  to  be  shared 
by  them,  and  with  this  growing  prosperity,  power  and 
responsibility  has  come  a  desire  to  allay  mutual  jealousies 
and  aggressions  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  The  first 
Pan-American  Conference  held  in  Washington  in  1889, 
and  the  Pan-American  Bureau  established  by  it  in  1890, 
are  both  the  result  of  that  desire  and  the  source  of  a  series 
of  very  useful  measures  taken  in  the  interests  of  Pan- 
American  peace  and  justice.  The  first  conference  gave  its 
hearty  indorsement  to  the  principle  of  arbitration,  and 
this  has  been  followed  by  many  applications  of  it  in  prac¬ 
tice.1  Three  other  conferences  have  been  held  (in  Mexico, 
in  1901-1902 ;  in  Rio  Janiero,  in  1906 ;  in  Buenos 
Aires,  in  1910),  and  have  promoted  in  many  ways 

1  See  above,  Chapter  XIV. 


174 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


Pan-American  friendship  and  co-operation  in  the  solu¬ 
tion  of  Pan-American  problems.  Their  permanent  rep¬ 
resentative  and  executive  is  the  Pan-American  Bureau, 
located  in  a  beautiful  building  in  W ashington  presented 
by  Andrew  Carnegie,  and  under  the  efficient  direction 
of  Honorable  John  Barrett.  Among  the  varied  tasks  of 
the  bureau  may  be  mentioned  that  of  collecting  and 
publishing  in  graphic  forms  and  in  four  languages  in¬ 
formation  of  every  kind  in  regard  to  the  twenty-one 
republics  of  the  western  world. 

When  we  turn  to  the  instrumentalities  of  the  new  Peace 
Movement  within  the  several  nations,  we  find  a  multi¬ 
plicity  and  efficient  activity  equal  to  that  which  is  so 
striking  on  the  international  stage.  The  United  States 
led  the  way  in  the  organization  of  peace  societies,  the 
first  of  its  kind  in  the  world  having  been  the  New  York 
Peace  Society  founded  by  David  Low  Dodge  in  the  year 
1815.  At  least  seven  other  American  countries  have  fol¬ 
lowed  the  example  of  the  United  States:  Great  Britain’s 
first  society  was  founded  in  1816;  sixteen  other  Euro¬ 
pean  countries  have  taken  the  same  step ;  Australia  and 
New  Zealand,  Japan  and  even  Africa  (Algeria  and 
Egypt)  have  now  adopted  this  method  of  peace  propa¬ 
ganda.  These  societies  have  not  only  taken  a  foothold 
in  every  continent  and  in  all  of  the  world’s  leading  coun¬ 
tries,  but  they  have  become  very  numerous,  and  those  of 
the  United  States,  Great  Britain  and  France  have  a 
large  membership.  Their  prime  function  is  the  promo¬ 
tion  of  the  educational  campaign  in  behalf  of  peace 
by  means  of  the  dissemination  of  the  written  and  the 
spoken  word.  In  addition  to  their  annual  reports,  bul¬ 
letins,  leaflets,  etc.,  a  half  dozen  of  them  publish  regular 


INSTRUMENTALITIES  OF  THE  MOVEMENT  175 


monthly  magazines  or  newspapers.  In  several  countries 
there  have  been  organized  National  Peace  Congresses, 
eight  of  which  have  been  held  in  Great  Britain  (since 
1904),  eight  in  France  (since  1905)  and  three  in  the 
United  States  (in  New  York,  in  1907  ;  in  Chicago,  in 
1909  ;  in  Baltimore,  in  1911).  Under  the  auspices  of 
these  societies  large  numbers  of  public  meetings  have 
been  held  and  have  carried  their  appeal  for  peace  to  audi¬ 
ences  of  every  possible  description,  and  they  have  done 
their  utmost  to  influence  governmental  action  along 
diplomatic  lines. 

So  numerous  have  the  peace  societies  become  in 
France,  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  and  so 
apparent  has  become  the  necessity  for  a  union  between 
them  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  wasteful  duplica¬ 
tion  of  effort  and  expense,  that  national  peace  councils 
have  been  established  in  these  countries  for  the  accom¬ 
plishment  of  this  and  other  purposes.  France  led  the 
way  in  this  development  by  organizing  in  1902  the  Dele¬ 
gation  Permanente  des  Societes  Frangaises  de  la  Paix ; 
Great  Britain  followed  in  1905  with  the  National  Peace 
Council;  and  in  the  United  States  the  essential  func¬ 
tions  of  a  national  council  have  been  assumed  by  the 
directors  of  the  American  Peace  Society.  The  functions 
of  the  national  councils  include,  besides  the  prevention 
of  duplication  of  effort  and  expense  on  the  part  of  the 
constituent  societies,  the  organization  of  the  National 
Peace  Congresses  and  the  execution  of  their  decrees,  the 
initiation  of  joint  appeals  to  governments  and  people, 
the  creation  of  new  societies  where  these  are  needed  and 
co-operation  with  the  peace  forces  in  other  countries. 

This  nationalization  of  the  peace  forces  has  followed 


176 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


tardily  upon  their  internationalization,  but  now  that  it 
is  well  started  it  finds  a  fruitful  field  of  endeavor  and 
should  secure  large  results. 

In  a  brief  survey  like  the  present,  a  description  of  all, 
even  of  the  most  noteworthy,  of  the  national  societies  is 
impossible ;  but  as  illustrative  of  the  American  instru¬ 
mentalities  of  the  new  Peace  Movement,  a  few  of  these 
societies  should  be  mentioned.  The  American  Society 
for  the  Judicial  Settlement  of  International  Disputes  was 
organized  by  Theodore  Marburg  of  Baltimore  and  his 
associates  in  1910,  with  the  specific  object  of  procuring 
the  establishment  of  a  genuine  international  court  of 
justice,  and  of  assuring  the  peaceful  adjudication  by  it 
of  all  international  disputes.  It  has  held  two  notable 
conferences  and  has  published  the  proceedings  of  these 
meetings,  which  form  a  series  of  monographs  expository 
of  some  of  the  chief  problems  which  must  be  solved  in 
the  prosecution  of  its  great  task. 

The  oldest  of  the  American  societies  is  the  American 
Peace  Society,  which,  through  the  federation  of  older 
local  societies,  was  founded  in  New  York  in  1828,  but 
during  most  of  its  active  years  has  had  its  headquarters 
in  Boston.  It  marked  its  eighty-second  year  by  removing 
its  headquarters  to  W ashington,  electing  Honorable  The¬ 
odore  E.  Burton  its  president.  It  has  organized  three  de¬ 
partments  in  the  Central  West,  on  the  Pacific  Coast  and 
in  New  England,  and  is  greatly  increasing  its  individual 
membership  and  the  number  of  its  constituent  societies. 
These  constituent  societies  now  number  more  than  twenty, 
and  the  creation  of  others  will  be  carried  forward  until 
each  of  the  forty-eight  states  of  the  Union  will  have 
at  least  one  society  devoted  to  the  promotion  of  peace. 


INSTRUMENTALITIES  OF  TIIE  MOVEMENT  177 


The  reorganization  of  the  central  society  has  been  so 
thorough  as  to  make  it  almost  a  new  agency.  Some 
of  the  constituent  societies  are  notably  strong  and 
active.  The  New  York  Peace  Society  has  published  and 
distributed  an  enormous  quantity  of  excellent  peace 
literature  and  has  held  many  noteworthy  meetings.  The 
Pennsylvania  Arbitration  and  Peace  Society  is  now  en¬ 
gaged  in  spreading  the  peace  message  throughout  the 

state  by  means  of  the  Pennsylvania  Chautauqua,  and  in 

* 

organizing  local  branches  of  the  society  in  more  than 
twoscore  centers  of  the  state’s  population.  The  new 
Chicago  society  has  given  the  West  for  the  first  time  a 
really  strong  peace  center ;  and  the  four  state  societies 
founded  in  New  England  during  the  past  year  com¬ 
pletely  cover  that  important  section.  The  American 
Peace  Society  itself  conducts  on  a  national  scale  many 
of  the  operations  in  which  its  constituent  societies  engage 
within  their  states.  It  issues  many  pamphlets,  main¬ 
tains  a  lecture  bureau  and  organizes  the  National  Peace 
Congresses;  and  its  able  organ,  the  Advocate  of  Peace,  is 
widely  circulated.  The  indefatigable  labors  of  its  gen¬ 
eral  secretary,  Dr.  Benjamin  F.  Trueblood,  the  "  Grand 
Old  Man  of  the  Peace  Movement  in  America,”  are  to  be 
devoted  more  largely  in  the  future  to  the  editorial  and 
correspondence  activities  of  the  society;  and  a  new  exec¬ 
utive  director,  Arthur  Deerin  Call,  formerly  president 
of  the  Connecticut  Peace  Society,  has  been  appointed 
expressly  for  the  task  of  promoting  the  society’s  work  of 
organization.  These  important  changes  constitute  a  veri¬ 
table  rebirth  of  our  historic  old  Peace  Society. 

The  American  School  Peace  League,  founded  in 
1908,  with  Mrs.  Fannie  Fern  Andrews  of  Boston  as  its 


178 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


enthusiastic  and  efficient  secretary  and  administrator,  has 
entered  vigorously  upon  the  cultivation  of  the  fertile  soil 
of  the  public-school  system.  The  object  of  the  league  is 
to  band  the  teachers  together  in  a  co-operative  effort  to 
inform  themselves  on  the  progress  of  the  Peace  Move¬ 
ment  and  to  devise  the  best  methods  of  teaching  the 
young  idea,  not  to  shoot,  but  to  solve  national  and  inter¬ 
national  problems  by  just  and  peaceful  means.  The  na¬ 
tional  character  of  the  league  is  shown  by  the  fact  that 
its  branches  organized  within  the  various  states  already 
number  more  than  forty.  The  activities  of  these  branches 
vary  in  different  places,  but  they  are  all  directed  to  equip¬ 
ping  the  teacher  in  every  possible  way  to  become  the 
pre-eminently  successful  apostle  of  peace  which  it  lies 
within  the  teacher’s  province  and  opportunity  to  become. 
Once  a  year,  in  connection  with  the  annual  meeting  of 
the  National  Education  Association,  which  is  attended 
by  thousands  of  teachers  from  every  part  of  the  country, 
the  league,  which  has  been  heartily  indorsed  by  the 
association,  holds  its  national  meeting  to  consider  past 
progress  and  future  plans.  Just  at  present  the  problem 
of  international  co-operation  between  the  teachers  of  the 
world  is  of  prime  importance,  and  the  league’s  secre¬ 
tary  has  visited  seven  countries  of  Europe  and  laid  the 
basis  for  school  leagues  in  all  of  them.  It  now  becomes 
the  duty  of  the  international  committee  to  work  out  the 
plans  of  an  adequate  world  organization  of  teachers  in  be¬ 
half  of  the  teaching  of  peace.  The  names  of  the  league’s 
special  committees  —  on  the  teaching  of  history,  on 
publications  and  the  press,  on  meetings  and  discussion 
—  reflect  the  scope  of  its  work  and  the  unique  and  most 
promising  field  of  endeavor  which  opens  before  it. 


INSTRUMENTALITIES  OF  THE  MOVEMENT  179 


The  American  School  Peace  League  has  been  indorsed 
and  partially  financed  by  the  World  Peace  Foundation, 
which  is  a  potent  ally  of  every  instrumentality  making 
for  international  peace.  This  remarkable  organization 
has  the  unique  distinction  of  having  been  the  first  to 
receive  a  million-dollar  endowment.  Its  founder,  Edwin 
Ginn  of  Boston,  began  a  dozen  years  ago  to  ask  the 
question,  Why  hundreds  of  millions  for  war,  but  not  one 
million  for  peace  ?  He  then  offered  to  be  one  of  ten  to 
give  a  million  for  peace ;  and  as  the  other  nine  did  not 
appear,  he  decided  to  set  the  example  by  giving  a  million 
himself.  He  established  what  he  called  the  International 
School  of  Peace,  which  took  up  the  specific  work  of 
carrying  an  educational  campaign  for  peace  into  the 
schools  and  colleges,  the  press  and  the  pulpit,  business 
men’s  organizations  and  women’s  clubs.  The  first  need 
which  it  recognized  was  that  of  suitable  peace  literature, 
and  it  began  to  supply  this  need  by  the  publication  of 
books  and  pamphlets  which  should  form  a  library  in¬ 
cluding  the  best  writings  on  peace  in  recent  or  earlier 
times.  It  distributed  large  numbers  of  its  volumes  and 
many  thousand  copies  of  each  of  its  pamphlets ;  it  co¬ 
operated  with  the  American  School  Peace  League ;  it 
sent,  an  organizer  into  the  women’s  clubs  of  America, 
and  another  among  the  students  of  Germany;  it  aided 
the  Association  of  Cosmopolitan  Clubs  ;  it  enlisted  elo¬ 
quent  clergymen,  British  and  American,  to  help  bring 
the  Christian  Church  into  line  with  the  peace  principles 
of  its  founder ;  and  it  brought  about  through  the  Boston 
Chamber  of  Commerce  the  meeting  of  the  International 
Congress  of  Chambers  of  Commerce  in  Boston  in  Sep¬ 
tember,  1912,  the  greatest  and  most  memorable  service 


180 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


of  this  organization  so  powerful  in  the  promotion  of  in¬ 
ternational  friendship  and  co-operation  in  the  realm  of 
commerce  and  finance.  The  International  School  of 
Peace,  so  auspiciously  started,  developed  in  1910  into 
the  World  Peace  Foundation,  with  strong  boards  of 
trustees  and  directors,  Edwin  D.  Mead,  who  had  been 
associated  with  Mr.  Ginn  in  his  work  from  the  begin¬ 
ning,  being  the  managing  director.  President  David 
Starr  Jordan  of  Leland  Stanford  University,  one  of  the 
directors  of  the  foundation,  addressed  more  than  a  hun¬ 
dred  audiences  in  behalf  of  peace  during  the  past  year, 
many  of  them  on  the  Pacific  coast,  where  racial  antip¬ 
athy  to  the  Chinese  and  Japanese  creates  special  and 
imperative  needs  for  enlightenment.  Dr.  Jordan  and 
Hamilton  Holt  of  the  Independent ,  another  director  of 
the  foundation,  made  tours  in  Japan  in  1911,  delivered 
a  large  number  of  addresses  in  both  countries  and  thus 
added  a  strong  link  to  the  chain  of  friendship  which 
alone  can  guard  the  two  great  powers  facing  the  Pacific 
from  falling  into  that  abyss  of  misunderstanding  and 
warfare  into  which  the  jingoes  and  false  patriots  of  both 
countries  make  their  chronic  attempts  to  thrust  them. 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Mead  have  done  much  similar  work  in 
Europe,  engaged  in  fruitful  missions  to  the  centers 
of  peace  propagandism,  doing  international  work  in 
an  international  way  and  promoting  closer  and  more 
active  co-operation  among  the  European  and  American 
workers. 

Mr.  Ginn’s  munificent  example  in  endowing  the 
World  Peace  Foundation  was  followed  at  the  end  of 
1910  by  Andrew  Carnegie,  who  gave  the  princely  sum 
of  ten  million  dollars  to  the  Carnegie  Endowment  for 


INSTRUMENTALITIES  OF  THE  MOVEMENT  181 


International  Peace.  In  his  letter  addressed  to  the  board 
of  trustees,  which  accompanied  his  gift,  Mr.  Carnegie 
expressed  the  desire  that  the  revenue  of  the  fund  be 
administered  "  to  hasten  the  abolition  of  international 
war,  the  foulest  blot  upon  our  civilization.,,  The  trustees 
of  the  fund,  headed  by  Senator  Elihu  Root,  and  including 
some  of  America’s  ablest  and  most  distinguished  citizens, 
have  proceeded  deliberately  in  the  development  of  their 
plans  for  the  use  of  this  great  sum  in  the  accomplishment 
of  the  momentous  task  imposed  upon  them.  They  have 
begun  by  dividing  their  work  into  three  departments  — 
the  international  law,  the  historico-economic  and  the 
educational.  The  first  department,  under  the  super¬ 
vision  of  the  secretary  of  the  endowment,  Dr.  James 
Brown  Scott,  is  to  devote  itself  to  the  development, 
codification  and  supremacy  of  international  law,  with 
a  view  to  insure  an  invariable  resort  to  legal  instead 
of  forcible  means  of  settling  international  disputes.  The 
second  department,  under  the  direction  of  Professor  John 
B.  Clark,  is  to  devote  itself  to  a  world-wide  research  into 
the  causes  and  results  of  warfare  and  preparations  for 
it ;  and  it  has  already  held  a  noteworthy  preliminary 
conference  at  Berne  in  August,  1911,  in  which  a  score 
of  the  world’s  leading  economists,  representing  eleven 
nations,  participated.  The  third  department,  presided 
over  by  President  Nicholas  Murray  Butler  of  Columbia 
University,  is  to  devote  itself  to  a  world-wide  campaign 
of  education  and  international  intercourse,  which  shall 
bring  home  to  the  minds  of  the  peoples  the  truth  about 
war  and  peace,  and  establish  among  them  good  under¬ 
standing  and  good  will.  This  department  organized  and 
financed  the  Citizens’  National  Committee,  which  did 


182 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


such  great  educational  work  during  the  winter  of  1911- 
1912  in  behalf  of  the  general  arbitration  treaties  with 
Great  Britain  and  France;  and  it  has  already  begun  to 
strengthen,  by  closer  organization  and  by  financial  assist¬ 
ance,  the  nationalization  and  internationalization  of  the 
Peace  Movement. 

With  the  growing  multiplicity  and  importance  of  the 
instrumentalities  of  peace  which  have  been  outlined  in 
this  brief  review,  there  has  arisen  a  growing  need  for  mu¬ 
tual  conference  between  the  leaders  of  the  movement  in 
every  land.  This  need  has  been  recognized  in  the  United 
States  by  Albert  K.  Smiley,  who  organized  eighteen  years 
ago  the  far-famed  Lake  Mohonk  Conference  on  Interna- 
tional  Arbitration.  The  prime  object  of  this  conference 
has  been  from  its  inception  the  promotion  of  international 
arbitration  ;  and,  by  means  of  its  discussions,  the  wide 
distribution  of  its  proceedings,  its  co-operation  with  two 
hundred  business  men’s  associations  and  many  colleges,  it 
has  wielded  a  potent  influence  upon  the  progress  of  that 
cause  during  the  years  of  its  existence.  Three  or  four 
hundred  guests  have  enjoyed  the  bountiful  hospitality  of 
its  founder  year  after  year,  have  received  fresh  inspira¬ 
tion,  enlightenment  and  resolution  from  their  mutual 
conference,  and  have  returned  from  their  stimulating 
mountain  sojourn  to  renewed  efforts  to  make  peace  prevail 
in  the  valleys  of  international  intercourse.  In  recent 
years  Mr.  Smiley  has  made  special  efforts  to  secure  the 
presence  of  more  and  more  peace  workers  from  abroad, 
and  the  conference  has  become  increasingly  an  interna¬ 
tional  clearing  house  for  the  leaders  of  the  Peace  Move¬ 
ment  in  every  land.  Profoundly  grateful  for  this  unique 
opportunity  for  the  advancement  of  their  cause,  and  to 


INSTRUMENTALITIES  OF  THE  MOVEMENT  183 


the  genial  seer  who  has  created  it,  the  departing  guests 
must  often  exclaim  in  their  hearts,  "  How  beautiful  upon 
the  mountains  are  the  feet  of  him  that  bringeth  good 
tidings,  that  publishetli  peace,  that  bringeth  good  tidings 
of  good,  that  publishetli  salvation,  that  saith  unto  Zion, 
Thy  God  reigneth !  ” 


XYI 


THE  LATEST  LITERATURE  OF  THE  PEACE 

MOVEMENT 

"  The  pen  is  mightier  than  the  sword.”  This  old  adage, 
so  familiar  as  to  be  wholly  trite  but  only  half  believed 
by  the  generality  of  mankind,  is  taking  on  new  signifi¬ 
cance  in  the  light  of  the  twentieth  century.  In  view 
of  the  noteworthy  peace  literature  which  the  pen  has 
recently  produced,  and  of  the  legislative  and  judicial 
developments  in  international  law  which  have  charac¬ 
terized  this  century  and  gone  far  toward  beating  the 
national  sword  into  the  international  scales  of  justice, 
the  old  adage,  like  many  another  in  the  realms  of  poli¬ 
tics,  religion  and  industry,  is  growing  daily  more  and 
more  to  be  the  genuine  realization  of  a  beautiful  dream. 

The  volume  of  the  literature  which  is  illuminating 
the  many-sided  question  of  peace  and  war  is  as  note¬ 
worthy  as  are  the  varied  points  of  view  which  its  authors 
are  taking,  and  the  original  and  striking  contributions 
which  they  are  making  to  the  study  of  the  question.  It 
would  be  impossible  within  narrow  limits  to  review  all 
of  even  the  latest  and  most  noteworthy  of  these  contri¬ 
butions,  and  here  the  attempt  will  be  made  to  deal  with 
a  comparatively  few  of  those  which  may  be  regarded  as 
representative  of  their  respective  classes. 

Edwin  D.  Mead  prepared,  a  few  years  ago  (1909),  an 
impressive  review  of  the  most  noteworthy  utterances  on 

184 


LITERATURE  OF  THE  PEACE  MOVEMENT  185 


peace  and  war  which  had  been  made  accessible  to  readers 
of  English  during  the  preceding  century.1  This  review 
included  a  reference  to  thirty-eight  books  or  pamphlets, 
or  an  average  of  about  three  for  each  year,  and  a  num¬ 
ber  of  these  were  modern  reprints  of  seventeenth-  and 
eighteenth-century  masterpieces.  A  review  of  the  books 
of  the  last  five  years  could  justifiably  include  at  least  the 
same  number,  thirty-eight ;  for  although  the  later  list 
could  claim  no  such  celebrated  authors  as  Penn,  Franklin 
and  Kant,  it  would  include  a  far  more  comprehensive 
and,  for  our  time,  more  practicable  and  constructive  treat¬ 
ment  of  the  great  subject. 

Turning  first  to  the  books  which  have  attacked 
directly  the  hoary  forces  of  warfare  by  considering 
the  arguments  for  and  against  war  as  the  arbiter  of 
international  disputes,  we  find  that  they  have  exam¬ 
ined  the  question  from  the  biological,  political,  me¬ 
chanical,  industrial,  commercial  and  ethical  points  of 
view.  J.  Novicow’s  little  book  on  "War  and  its  Al¬ 
leged  Benefits  ” 2  subjects  to  the  tests  of  reason  and 
experience  the  alleged  benefits  of  warfare  and  of  the 
preparations  for  it.  Mr.  Novicow,  whose  recent  death  is 
so  deeply  mourned,  was  vice  president  of  the  Interna¬ 
tional  Institute  of  Sociology,  and  he  considers  the  argu¬ 
ments  in  behalf  of  warfare  from  the  broadly  sociological 
viewpoint ;  in  terse,  effective  sentences  he  states  war¬ 
fare’s  supposititious  and  true  results  —  physiological, 


1  "  The  Literature  of  the  Peace  Movement,”  first  published  in  the  Chciu- 
tauquan,  and  afterwards  in  pamphlet  form  by  the  World  Peace  Founda¬ 
tion,  Boston.  Mr.  Mead’s  pamphlet  should  he  read  in  connection  with  this 
chapter,  because  it  brings  the  record  down  to  the  works  devoted  to  the  two 
Hague  Conferences. 

2  Translated  into  English  by  Thomas  Seltzer,  New  York,  1911. 


186 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


economic,  political,  intellectual  and  moral.  The  sad 
history  of  Europe  is  the  arsenal  from  which  he  draws 
the  weapons  forged  by  experience,  and  with  their  help 
he  shows  that  war  has  deprived  nations  of  their  most 
virile  citizens,  caused  vast  loss  of  treasure  to  both  victor 
and  vanquished,  prevented  national  unity  and  interna¬ 
tional  amity,  promoted  intellectual  stagnation  and  moral 
degradation,  preserved  the  chief  characteristics  of  barba¬ 
rism  and  acted  as  the  weightiest  drag  upon  the  progress 
of  civilization. 

The  purely  biological  or  physiological  and  anatomical 
results  of  warfare  have  been  dealt  with  by  President 
David  Starr  Jordan  in  his  "  Blood  of  the  Nation  ”  1  and 
"  The  Human  Harvest.”  2  In  these  two  brief  treatises 
he  has  re-enforced  the  conclusions  of  his  long  and  dis¬ 
tinguished  biological  researches  by  a  wealth  of  historical 
detail,  and  has  presented  an  impressive  picture  of  the 
results  of  the  millstone  of  warfare  as  hung  around  the 
neck  of  national  eugenics.  Horace  Everett  Warners 
"Ethics  of  Force  ”  3  throws  the  light  of  the  evolution¬ 
ary  philosophy  upon  the  false  prejudices  and  mischie¬ 
vous  delusions  which  have  caused  rival  peoples  to  be 
"natural  enemies.”  A  soldier  in  our  Civil  War,  and  a 
practicing  lawyer  of  many  years’  standing,  Mr.  Warner 
writes  from  personal  experience  as  well  as  from  his  pro¬ 
longed  study  of  evolution,  as  to  the  relative  merits  of 
force  and  law  as  "settlers”  of  men’s  disputes.  Professor 
Vernon  L.  Kellogg  in  his  "  Beyond  War,”  4  has  made  an 

1  Published  1902.  This  has  been  issued  in  pamphlet  form  by  the  World 
Peace  Foundation. 

2  Published  1907  by  the  American  Unitarian  Association,  Boston. 

3  Published  1905  by  the  World  Peace  Foundation. 

4  New  York,  1912. 


LITERATURE  OF  THE  PEACE  MOVEMENT  187 


even  more  detailed  application  of  biological  studies  to 
the  question  of  the  continuance  of  human  warfare.  Believ¬ 
ing  that  the  vast  prehistoric  periods  of  man’s  life  are 
more  informing,  as  to  this  question,  than  the  compara¬ 
tively  short  span  of  his  recorded  history,  Professor  Kel¬ 
logg  writes,  with  a  wealth  of  suggestive  illustrations 
taken  from  a  wide  range  of  natural  phenomena,  of  the 
evolution  of  warfare  in  the  hands  of  man  as  distinguished 
from  the  rest  of  the  animal  creation,  of  man  in  the  great 
ice  age,  of  man  in  postglacial  times  and  of  man  in  his¬ 
tory  ;  and  he  concludes  that  Homo  superioris ,  or  Man  of 
To-morrow,  having  continued  the  ages-long  specializa¬ 
tion  which  has  developed  the  already  striking  degree  of 
interdependence,  will  thoroughly  understand  how  raci¬ 
ally  dangerous  is  war,  how  it  flies  in  the  face  of  all  that 
makes  for  human  evolutionary  advance  and  how  com¬ 
pletely  it  is  without  shadow  of  serious  scientific  reason 
for  its  maintenance.  Homo  sapiens ,  or  Man  of  To-day, 
knows  that  war  is  already  an  anachronism  and  an  abso¬ 
lutely  impossible  part  of  his  evolutionary  goal ;  and  Homo 
superioris  will  marvel  at  the  stupidity  of  his  ancestor 
for  tolerating  its  existence  so  long,  and  will  himself  be, 
whatever  else  he  may  be,  beyond  war. 

The  political  aspects  of  warfare  have  not  yet  been  ade¬ 
quately  treated,  for  the  glamour  of  the  past  has  blinded 
most  students  of  political  history  and  has  led  them  as 
well  as  the  mass  of  people  into  the  great  illusion  that 
warfare  has  been  always  and  everywhere  the  cause  of 
national  independence,  of  national  union  and  of  political 
development.  The  extranational,  or  imperial,  aspect  of 
the  question  has  received  some  careful  attention,  how¬ 
ever,  and  three  recent  books  have  dealt  with  it  more 


188 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


or  less  successfully.  One  of  the  last  messages  of  the  late 
eloquent  scholar  and  seer,  Dr.  Goldwin  Smith,  was  a 
solemn  warning  to  our  republic 1  of  the  perils  of  plu¬ 
tocracy,  militarism  and  imperialism  which  confronted  it 
on  the  threshold  of  the  new  century.  John  A.  Hobson’s 
"Imperialism”2  and  John  William  Graham’s  "Evolution 
and  Empire  ”  3  also  point  out  the  perils  of  imperialism, 
both  to  the  preservation  of  the  world’s  peace  and  to  the 
prosperity  of  the  imperialistic  nation.  It  is  noteworthy 
that  the  authors  of  these  three  books  are  Englishmen ; 
for  their  warnings  are  backed  by  a  century  of  checkered 
experience  in  militarism  on  the  part  of  their  native  land, 
and  are  obviously  pointed  by  the  present  very  uncertain 
if  not  downright  precarious  position  of  the  British  Empire 
in  international  affairs.  Our  own  republic,  so  young  in 
world  politics,  may  well  read  and  ponder  the  truth  as 
to  Great  Britain’s  experiment  in  empire  building  —  the 
greatest  and  one  of  the  longest  experiments  of  its  kind 
which  history  records. 

Jean  de  Bloch  ran  the  gamut  of  personal  experience 
from  peddler  to  prince  of  finance,  from  pawnbroker  to 
railroad  magnate,  from  ostracized  Polish  Jew  to  coun¬ 
cilor  of  the  Russian  Empire,  from  ignorance  and  pauper¬ 
ism  to  literary  fame  and  far-reaching  philanthropy.  This 
remarkable  experience  in  the  world  of  affairs  and  the 
world  of  learning  enabled  him  to  write  a  truly  remark¬ 
able  book,  which  bases  a  searching  study  of  military 
technique  upon  a  first-hand  and  responsible  study  of 
Europe’s  agricultural,  financial,  industrial  and  general 
social  conditions.  It  is  entitled  "  The  Future  of  War,  in 

1  "  Commonwealth  or  Empire,”  New  York,  1902. 

2  London,  1905.  3  London,  1912. 


LITERATURE  OF  THE  PEACE  MOVEMENT  189 


its  Technical,  Economic  and  Political  Relations,”  and  was 
published  in  Russian,  in  six  volumes,  the  year  before-  the 
meeting  of  the  First  Hague  Conference.  French  and 
German  editions  of  the  entire  work  were  soon  published ; 
and  the  last  volume,  containing  a  summary  of  the  author’s 
reasoning  and  conclusions,  has  been  made  accessible  to 
the  English-reading  public  by  the  World  Peace  Founda¬ 
tion  of  Boston.  Bloch’s  main  contention  is  that  war  has 
become  dehumanized  by  the  evolution  and  domination  of 
mechanical  and  chemical  agents.  Like  Frankenstein,  the 
soldier  has  called  into  existence  mechanical  monsters 
which  have  devoured  his  own  personality  and  made  use¬ 
less  his  personal  courage,  skill  and  endurance.  Within 
less- than  a  generation  the  needle  gun,  the  breech-loading 
cannon,  smokeless  powder,  rifles  perfected  fortyfold, 
have  so  developed  the  mechanism  of  slaughter  that  the 
soldier  has  disappeared  with  the  gleam  of  his  vanished 
sword  and  the  smoke  of  his  old-time  powder.  The  old- 
time  army  moved  upon  its  belly ;  but  the  modern  arma¬ 
ment  has  a  maw  that  can  never  be  filled,  and  its  bare 
subsistence  —  which  is  constantly  on  the  verge  of  ex¬ 
tinction,  that  is,  of  obsolescence  and  absolute  inefficiency, 
despite  the  billions  which  are  expended  upon  it  —  is  main¬ 
tained  only  by  draining  the  lifeblood  of  industry.  Should 
two  great  powers  of  Europe,  equipped  with  such  arma¬ 
ments,  go  to  war  with  each  other,  they  would  illustrate 
the  condition  of  an  irresistible  force  meeting  an  immov¬ 
able  obstacle,  and  would  fight  each  other  to  a  standstill. 
Meantime,  to  keep  their  fighting  machines  "on  a  war 
footing,”  each  nation  would  face  the  danger  of  a  famine 
in  foodstuffs,  the  probability  of  political  or  social  revo¬ 
lution,  and  the  certainty  of  industrial,  commercial  and 


190 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


financial  paralysis.  In  the  light  of  sncli  consequences,  so 
reasoned,  it  is  inevitable  that  the  author  and  readers  of 
"The  Future  of  War"  should  conclude  that  war  must 
have  no  future. 

I 

The  industrial  and  social  needs  of  the  nations,  even 
in  this  twentieth  century,  and  in  a  time  of  profound 
peace,  are  the  theme  of  Miss  Jane  Addams’  convincing 
book  on  the  "  Newer  Ideals  of  Peace."  1  To  those  who 
appreciate  the  full  significance  of  the  feverish  efforts  of 
present-day  diplomacy  to  form  "  alliances,"  the  frantic 
competition  in  the  building  of  dreadnoughts,  and  the 
omnipresent  anxiety  lest  a  "  potential  enemy "  should 
become  an  actual  one,  the  so-called  peace  of  the  world 
to-day  partakes  of  the  most  burdensome  features  of  an 
armed  truce.  The  militarism  which  claims  to  preserve  this 
kind  of  a  peace  is  none  the  less  militarism  and  of  a  most 
expensive  kind.  How  much  it  costs  in  terms  of  indus¬ 
trial  discontent  and  warfare,  and  of  lost  opportunities  to 
uplift  the  condition  of  rrtral  laborers,  of  factory  women, 
and  of  children  in  city  streets,  is  burnt  in  upon  the 
minds  and  hearts  of  the  readers  of  Miss  Addams’  book. 

One  of  the  beliefs  hoary  with  antiquity  and  still 
cherished  by  the  modern  world  is  that  victory  and  con¬ 
quest  in  warfare  infallibly  restore  the  balance  on  the 
right  side  of  the  ledger ;  that  the  vast  expenses  of 
preparation  for  warfare  and  of  warfare  itself  can  be 
more  than  reimbursed  by  conquest.  To  the  victor  be¬ 
long  the  spoils,  woe  to  the  conquered :  such  is  the  fa¬ 
miliar  expression  of  this  optimistic  philosophy.  To  deny 
the  truth  of  this  belief,  and  to  support  the  denial  with 
indubitable  facts  and  figures ;  such  is  the  great  task 

1  New  York,  1907. 


LITERATURE  OF  TIIE  PEACE  MOVEMENT  191 


which  Norman  Angell  has  accomplished  in  his  incisive 
and  powerful  book,  "  The  Great  Illusion.”  1  As  a  stu¬ 
dent  of  human  nature  the  author  believes  that  to  prove 
that  warfare,  even  "  successful  ”  warfare,  does  not  pay, 
is  to  assure  its  being  relegated  to  innocuous  desue¬ 
tude  by  the  shopkeeping  nations  of  this  workaday  mod¬ 
ern  world.  It  is  related  that  an  average  Chinaman 
could  not  understand  why  any  one  should  play  tennis 
who  had  money  enough  to  hire  a  coolie  to  do  it  for  him. 
Now  the  "powers  that  be”  which  declare  war  on  each 
other  have  long  since  given  up  the  illusion  that  personal 
indulgence  in  warfare  is  attractive  to  them  for  its  own 
sake,  and  that  even  sending  other  people  out  as  food  for 
powder  is  a  game  which  cannot  be  justified  as  an  end 
in  itself.  The  chief  justification  which  is  left,  then,  is^ 
the  winnings,  or  the  spoils.  Fancy  how  a  burglar  would 
feel  to  have  it  proved  to  him  that  the  money  which  he 
steals  is  not  worth  the  candles  that  he  burns.  Just  so 
does  Mr.  Angell  knock  the  legs  from  under  "  the  great 
illusion  ”  that  conquest  is  "  a  paying  proposition.”  To 
the  opponents  of  warfare  it  seems  too  good  to  be  true 
that,  owing  to  the  complex  and  vital  interdependence  of 
the  national  realms  of  industry  and  finance,  even  the  vic¬ 
tor  must  play  a  losing  part  in  warfare ;  and  doubtless 
the  world  at  large  will  be  some  time  in  learning  this 
lesson,  as  it  has  been  in  learning  the  lesson  that  "  play¬ 
ing  the  races  ”  and  buying  lottery  tickets  do  not  pay. 
The  militarists,  of  course,  can  only  be  convinced  against 
their  will,  but  they  need  not  be  counted.  Meanwhile 

1  "The  Great  Illusion:  a  Study  of  the  Relation  of  Military  Power  in 
Nations  to  their  Economic  and  Social  Advantage, ”  third  revised  and 
enlarged  edition,  New  York,  1911. 


192 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


Mr.  Angell  has  written  a  book  of  four  hundred  pages, 
every  one  of  which  is  filled  with  argument,  fact  or 
figures,  enforcing  the  lesson  in  such  way  that  he  who 
runs  may  read,  and  he  who  reads  must  relinquish  this, 
one  of  his  most  cherished  illusions. 

It  was  long  since  a  maxim  of  soldiers  that,  to  save 
one’s  own  country,  war  must  be  carried  into  the  enemy’s 
territory.  But  suppose  that  in  that  territory  —  as  be¬ 
tween  England  and  Germany,  for  example  —  live  your 
own  best  customers,  the  creditors  of  many  of  your  own 
fellow  borrowers,  the  debtors  of  many  of  your  own  fellow 
creditors,  people  who  have  invested  millions  in  your  own 
industries,  people  who  are  doing  their  utmost  to  make 
their  industries  pay  dividends  on  the  millions  invested 
in  them  by  your  own  fellow  capitalists  ?  W ould  not 
"  conquering  ”  them  be  like  killing  the  goose  that  lays 
you  a  golden  egg,  provided  that  the  laws  of  civilized 
warfare,  as  agreed  upon  at  The  Hague,  permit  you  to 
kill  the  goose,  or  even  to  pluck  out  one  of  its  feathers, 
without  adequate  compensation  ?  Why  should  a  Ger¬ 
man  army  loot  the  Bank  of  England  if  by  so  doing  Ger¬ 
many’s  industrial  system  were  to  be  paralyzed,  and  the 
owners  of  stocks  and  bonds  in  industries  upon  which 
the  sun  never  sets  were  to  see  their  wealth  vanish  with 
the  Old  Lady  of  Threadneedle  Street  ?  If  ability  to 
"  conquer  ”  one’s  neighbors  means  potential  wealth,  why 
are  German  three  per  cents  at  82  and  Belgian  at  96, 
Russian  three  and  a  half  per  cents  at  81  and  Norwegian 
at  102  ?  These  are  questions  the  answers  to  which  take 
you  into  the  heart  of  the  great  illusion.  Would  you 
have  them  answered  acutely,  cogently,  overwhelmingly, 
and  free  your  own  mind  and  your  neighbors’  of  this 


LITERATURE  OF  THE  PEACE  MOVEMENT  193 


illusion  ?  Then  read  and  ponder  Norman  Angell’s  book. 

A  powerful  supplement  to  Mr.  Angell’s  book  is  Presi¬ 
dent  David  Starr  Jordan’s  "Unseen  Empire,’’1  which 
portrays  the  dominion  of  the  unseen  empire  of  inter¬ 
national  finance  to  which  the  nations  are  in  bondage 
because  of  war  and  of  preparations  for  it.  In  graphic 
and  cogent  sentences,  and  with  a  wealth  of  statistical 
information  and  apposite  quotations  from  the  masters  of 
high  finance  and  statecraft,  Dr.  Jordan  shows  the  folly 
of  permitting  preparations  for  warfare  to  consume  the 
fruits  of  peaceful  progress. 

No  great  crusade  in  the  world’s  history  has  ever  been 
successful  unless  it  had  the  leadership  or  co-operation  of 
morality  and  religion.  The  new  Peace  Movement  has 
called  to  its  aid,  as  has  been  seen,  the  forces  of  biology, 
politics,  mechanics,  industry,  social  conditions,  commerce 
and  finance ;  but  it  has  by  no  means  relinquished  its 
first  and  always  faithful  allies  of  morality  and  religion. 
Reverend  Walter  Walsh,  having  witnessed  the  moral 
damage  wrought  by  the  Boer  War  to  every  class  of  Eng¬ 
land’s  people,  wrote  a  book  entitled  "  The  Moral  Damage 
of  W ar,”  2  and  marshaled  in  it,  in  eloquent  and  effec¬ 
tive  array,  the  burning  denunciations  which  morality  and 
religion  hurl  at  warfare,  and  the  sweet  reasonableness 
which  they  supply  to  peace.  The  late  lamented  William 
James,  one  of  the  world’s  foremost  modern  philosophers, 
wrote  just  before  his  death  an  illuminating  article  on 
"  The  Moral  Equivalent  of  War  ’’ ;  3  this  points  out  the 

1  Boston,  1912. 

2  Published  by  the  World  Peace  Foundation,  Boston,  1906. 

3  In  McClure's  Magazine ,  August,  1910  ;  reprinted  in  the  Popular 
Science  Monthly ,  October,  1910,  and  in  pamphlet  form  by  the  American 
Association  for  International  Conciliation. 


194 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


battlefields  which,  more  truly  than  those  of  war  have 
ever  been,  are  the  prolific  source  of  manly  virtues.  In 
concrete  illustration  of  Professor  James’  theory,  Edwin 
D.  Mead’s  "The  Principles  of  the  Founders”1  brings 
home  to  the  hearts  of  patriotic  Americans  the  victories 
of  peace  which  have  made  Washington,  Jefferson,  Frank¬ 
lin  and  Samuel  Adams  more  renowned  than  have  those 
which  the  first  of  these  founders  won  in  war. 

Rome  did  not  fall  in  a  day,  and  it  took  seven  days  of 
marching  round  the  walls  to  cause  Jericho  to  fall.  It  is 
not  enough  to  prove  the  thoroughgoing  iniquity  of  war, 
to  have  it  banished  from  the  earth ;  its  immediate  causes 
or  occasions  must  be  sought  and  eradicated,  and  judicial 
substitutes  for  it  must  be  established. 

N oting  first  the  immediate  causes  or  occasions  of  war¬ 
fare,  it  is  obvious  that  there  are  still  certain  centers  of 
the  world’s  unrest  which  give  excuse  to  predatory  na¬ 
tions  for  committing  what  Mr.  Gladstone  has  called  the 
original  sin  of  territorial  aggrandizement.  The  Balkans, 
the  Middle  and  Farther  Orient,  Africa  and  Latin  Amer¬ 
ica  contain  such  centers.  Some  recent  books  deal  with 
them  in  notable  manner,  though  not  so  much  as  is  de¬ 
sirable  with  their  relation  to  the  world’s  peace.  H.  Charles 
Woods,  in  "  The  Danger  Zone  of  Europe,”  2  states  most 
instructively  the  achievements  and  failures  of  the  Y oung 
Turks,  whom  the  world  is  looking  to,  under  their  new 
constitutional  government  which  was  hailed  with  such 
wonder  and  gratification,  to  remedy  many  domestic  and 
international  ills ;  and  he  shows  that,  despite  the  admir¬ 
able  reforms  which  have  already  been  accomplished,  the 

1  Boston,  1903.  See  also  Mr.  Mead’s  inspiring  pamphlet,  "Heroes  of 
Peace,”  published  by  the  World  Peace  Foundation.  2  Boston,  1911. 


LITERATURE  OF  THE  PEACE  MOVEMENT  195 


new  civil  government  is  still  imperiled  by  the  danger  of 
militarism.  The  rest  of  the  Balkan  states  receive  more 
summary  yet  enlightening  treatment  at  his  hands. 

The  strongest  book  of  recent  days  on  the  Middle  East 
is  W.  Morgan  Shuster’s  "  The  Strangling  of  Persia.”  1 
The  author  of  this  book,  an  American  summoned  to  the 
office  of  treasurer  general  for  the  purpose  of  giving 
order  to  Persia’s  financial  chaos,  and  indirectly  of  pro¬ 
moting  its  political  stability  and  the  development  of  its 
great  national  resources,  gives  a  detailed  personal  narra¬ 
tive  of  his  efforts,  and  of  the  way  in  which  Russo-British 
"  diplomacy  ”  and  domestic  treachery  caused  them  to 
fail.  His  story  of  the  way  in  which  ”  Russia’s  interests  ” 
and  ”  British  trade  ”  caused  Persia’s  elementary  rights 
of  sovereignty  to  be  trampled  upon,  and  its  hope  of  self¬ 
regeneration  to  fail,  is  very  significant  of  the  work  yet 
to  be  accomplished  at  The  Hague  in  the  direction  of  the 
conservation  of  national  sovereignty  and  the  preservation 
of  international  peace. 

The  Farther  Orient,  especially  China,  which  has 
amazed  the  nations  by  suddenly  establishing  a  republic, 
is  the  object  of  prime  solicitude  to  the  great  powers  of 
both  hemispheres.  Professor  George  T.  Ladd’s  "  In 
Korea  with  Marquis  Ito  ”  2  goes  a  long  way  toward  re¬ 
assuring  the  world  as  to  Japan’s  action  in  relation  to 
Korea,  which  he  pictures  as  a  moral  swamp  now  being 
drained  for  rich  harvests  in  the  future,  for  humanity  at 
large,  by  Japan’s  good  government,  by  rational  educa¬ 
tion,  and  by  Christianity.  Messrs.  Bland  and  Backhouse 
have  afforded,  in  their  ”  China  under  the  Empress  Dowa¬ 
ger,”  3  an  extraordinarily  interesting,  and  at  the  same 

i  New  York,  1912.  2  New  York,  1908.  3  Philadelphia,  1911. 


196 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


time  documentary  and  official,  revelation  of  the  reasons 
for  China’s  backwardness  and  vagaries  (including  the 
Boxer  revolt)  under  the  rule  of  its  recent  despots  Tzu 
Hsi  and  her  forty  years’  favorite,  Li  Lien-ying.  Professor 
Edward  A.  Ross  has  applied  his  sociological  principles  to 
the  study  of  Chinese  social  life,  and  in  his  admirable 
book,  "  The  Changing  Chinese,”  1  portrays  the  conflict 
of  oriental  and  western  cultures  in  China  which  is  now 
revolutionizing  the  isolation,  the  acute  struggle  for  ex¬ 
istence,  the  ancestor  worship,  the  patriarchal  authority, 
the  subjection  of  women  and  the  political  conditions, 
which  have  made  the  Chinese  apparently  a  peculiar  and 
antipathetic  people,  and  which  changes  will  cause  them 
to  be  no  longer  falsely  regarded  as  "  the  Yellow  Peril.” 
Professor  Paul  S.  Reinsch  has  contributed  another  illumi¬ 
nating  treatise,  entitled  "  Intellectual  and  Political  Cur¬ 
rents  in  the  Far  East,” 2  which  reviews  conditions  of 
promise  and  peril  in  India,  China  and  Japan;  he  traces 
especially  the  developments  of  Chinese  society  from  a 
custom  status  to  one  of  political  government,  but  fears 
that  the  republic  is  premature.  Joseph  K.  Goodrich,  a 
merchant  of  long  experience  in  the  Orient,  and  formerly 
a  professor  in  the  Imperial  Government  College  of  Japan, 
states  in  his  book  on  "  The  Coming  China  ”  3  some  of 
the  facts  of  recent  history  which  explain  why  the  Chi¬ 
nese  are  possessed  by  a  distrust  of  Europeans ;  and  he 
condemns  in  bitter  terms  the  opium  traffic  and  its  pro¬ 
moters  who  have  done  so  much  to  embitter  the  Chinese 
toward  the  Occident.  Unfortunately,  Mr.  Goodrich’s 
praise  of  China  is  mingled  with  slighting  references  to 
Japan,  which  the  addresses  and  articles  of  Hamilton  Holt, 

1  New  York,  1911.  2  Boston,  1911.  3  Chicago,  1911. 


LITERATURE  OF  THE  PEACE  MOVEMENT  197 


President  Jordan  and  President  Eliot  have  proved  to  be 
wholly  undeserved. 

Africa  remains  "  the  Dark  Continent  ”  and  still  awaits 
a  book  which  will  throw  light  upon  its  vital  relation  to 
the  problem  of  the  world’s  permanent  peace ;  but  such 
books  as  that  of  John  A.  Hobson  upon  the  war  in  South 
Africa  illuminate  the  iniquities  by  which  selfish  and 
inhuman  warfare  is  sedulously  worked  up. 

Latin  America’s  marvelous  excellences  and  possibilities 
are  being  gradually  revealed  to  the  rest  of  the  world  by 
the  Pan-American  Bureau,  whose  head,  Honorable  John 
Barrett, has  written  a  book,  "The  Pan-American  Union,’’ 1 
which  should  do  much  to  dispel  the  prevalent  ignorance  of 
our  countrymen  regarding  the  Latin  American  republics, 
and  help  to  relieve  our  fears  as  to  the  maintenance,  by 
the  Latin  Americans  themselves,  of  the  Monroe  doctrine. 

Turning  next  to  arbitration  and  other  peaceful  sub¬ 
stitutes  for  warfare,  it  is  admitted  that  one  of  the  far- 
reaching  results  of  the  Hague  Conferences  has  been  the 
remarkable  impulse  which  they  gave  to  the  substitution 
of  arbitration  for  warfare  in  the  settlement  of  interna¬ 
tional  disputes.  This  phase  of  the  new  Peace  Movement 
has  also  produced  some  noteworthy  books.  Jackson  H. 
Ralston,  who  was  American  agent  and  of  counsel  in  the 
first  case  decided  by  the  Hague  tribunal,  has  written  a 
pioneer  and  eminently  useful  treatise  on  the  subject  of 
"  International  Arbitral  Law  and  Procedure.’’ 2  In  it 
have  been  collected  a  century’s  precedents  which  were 
scattered  in  virtually  inaccessible  digests  and  reports  of 
arbitral  tribunals ;  and  upon  these  as  a  basis  are  given 

1  Baltimore,  1911. 

2  Boston,  1909  ;  published  by  the  World  Peace  Foundation. 


198 


THE  NEAV  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


the  definitions  and  rules  for  the  interpretation  of  treaties, 
and  an  account  of  the  various  steps  taken  by  commissions 
and  tribunals  of  arbitration,  such  as  procedure,  evidence, 
the  treatment  of  claims,  damages,  the  rights  and  priv¬ 
ileges  of  aliens,  government  liabilities,  maritime  and 
prize  law.  Together  with  these  precedents  are  cited  also 
the  opinions  of  eminent  writers  on  various  phases  of  the 
questions  adjudicated  by  arbitral  tribunals ;  and  it  is 
gratifying  to  know  that  in  some  cases  —  such  as  the 
vitally  important  right  of  a  state  to  agree  to  submit  all 
claims  to  arbitration,  despite  a  clause  to  the  contrary  in 
contracts  between  subjects  —  the  actual  decisions  of 
tribunals  are  in  advance  of  the  position  taken  by  pub¬ 
licists.  Should  Article  XLII  of  the  Hague  Convention 
of  1907  be  repealed,  and  all  cases  of  arbitration  be  sub¬ 
mitted  to  the  Hague  tribunal  alone,  or  if  the  proposed 
Court  of  Arbitral  Justice  be  established,  these  arbitral 
decisions  and  modes  of  procedure  will  assume  the  force 
of  stare  decisis  and  become  genuine  precedents,  to  the 
vast  enrichment  of  international  law. 

Another  most  impressive  book  on  arbitration  is  the 
"Fisheries  Arbitration  Argument"1  of  Senator  Elihu 
Root.  The  settlement  of  this  century-old  controversy 
between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  by  the 
Hague  tribunal  in  1910,  is  one  of  the  illustrious  events 
of  the  last  decade  ;  and  Senator  Root’s  able,  voluminous, 
lucid  and  eloquent  argument  was  admittedly  the  prime 
feature  of  the  arbitral  proceedings. 

"  International  Arbitration  and  Procedure  ” 2  is  the 
title  of  a  small  book  containing  four  lectures  delivered 

1  Boston,  1912 ;  published  by  the  World  Peace  Foundation. 

2  New  Haven,  1911. 


LITERATURE  OF  THE  PEACE  MOVEMENT  199 


in  the  Yale  Law  School  by  Robert  C.  Morris,  counsel  in 
the  Y enezuelan  arbitration.  It  gives  a  sketch  of  the  his¬ 
tory  of  arbitration  and  discusses  some  of  the  grounds  of 
international  controversies  and  nine  of  the  cases  arbitrated 
by  the  Hague  tribunal. 

The  frequent  resort  to  arbitration  on  the  part  of  the 
Latin  American  republics  should  be  known  and  appre¬ 
ciated  by  the  rest  of  the  world,  which  is  inclined  to  think 
of  these  republics  chiefly  as  hotbeds  of  revolution  and 
internecine  strife.  Gonzalo  de  Quesada,  one  of  Cuba’s 
delegates  to  the  Second  Hague  Conference,  has  written 
in  English  a  history  of  "  Arbitration  in  Latin  America,”  1 
which  brings  out  forcefully  the  world’s  debt  to  the  Latin 
republics  and  their  founder,  Bolivar,  for  the  furtherance 
they  have  given  to  the  principles  and  practice  of  arbi¬ 
tration  during  the  past  century.  •  The  solid  basis  and 
scientific  reasonableness  of  arbitration  have  been  pre¬ 
sented  with  great  lucidity  and  power  by  Francis  W. 
Hirst  in  his  "  The  Arbiter  in  Council.”  2  This  book  is 
written  in  the  form  of  a  lively  dialogue  between  men 
of  different  callings,  who,  in  the  course  of  a  week’s 
discussion,  manage  pretty  well  to  box  the  compass  of 
arguments  for  and  against  arbitration. 

The  world  is  advancing  so  rapidly  along  the  lines 
of  arbitration  that  it  has  already  developed  the  basis 
of  a  genuine  political  organization  of  the  Family  of 
Nations.  Several  recent  books  show  how  far  the  growth 
of  "the  United  States  of  the  World”  has  progressed. 
Our  former  ambassador  to  Germany,  Dr.  David  Jayne 
Hill,  presents  in  his  "World  Organization  as  affected 
by  the  Nature  of  the  Modern  State,”  3  a  scholarly  and 

1  Rotterdam,  1907.  2  London  and  New  York,  1905.  3  New  York,  1911. 


200 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


convincing  proof  of  how  the  growth  of  jural  conscious¬ 
ness  within  nations  has  created  a  solid  foundation  for 
world  organization.  Raymond  L.  Bridgman’s  "World 
Organization’’1  gives  an  impressive  statement  of  the 
judicial,  legislative  and  executive  organs,  functions  and 
phenomena  which  the  world  body  politic  has  already  de¬ 
veloped.  The  great  lesson  which  Washington,  Madison 
and  their  compeers  taught  Americans  a  century  ago  was 
to  think  "  continentally,’’  as  they  termed  it ;  that  is,  no 
longer  as  colonists  separated  from  each  other  and  looking 
always  toward  the  mother  country,  but  as  states  which 
had  achieved  their  independence  but  still  must  recognize 
their  interdependence  on  each  other  and  unite  for  their 
mutual  peace  and  prosperity  in  a  close  national  union. 
The  great  lesson  which  the  nations  of  our  day  are  slowly 
learning,  is  that  assured  peace  and  the  highest  prosperity 
can  be  attained  by  each  nation  only  when,  joined  with 
national  sovereignty  and  independence,  there  is  a  world 
polity  sufficiently  strong  and  developed  to  define  and 
administer  genuine  international  law.  In  no  other  book 
can  so  vivid  and  detailed  an  idea  of  the  present  status 
of  this  world  organization  be  secured  as  in  Mr.  Bridg¬ 
man’s.  The  same  author  has  recently  produced  also 
"The  First  Book  of  World  Law,’’ 2  which  summarizes 
and  interprets  the  positive  regulatory  law  which  has 
sprung  from  the  Hague  Conferences,  the  Red  Cross 
Conventions,  the  International  Postal  Union,  the  modern 
regulation  of  navigation,  the  supervision  of  wireless  teleg¬ 
raphy,  the  repression  of  the  white  and  black  slave  traffic, 
the  International  Institute  of  Agriculture,  etc. 


1  Boston,  1905;  published  by  the  World  Peace  Foundation. 

2  Boston,  1910;  published  by  the  World  Peace  Foundation. 


LITERATURE  OF  THE  PEACE  MOVEMENT  201 


President  Nicholas  Murray  Butler  has  published  five 
of  his  characteristically  incisive  and  stimulating  addresses 
delivered  at  the  Lake  Mohonk  Conference  on  Interna¬ 
tional  Arbitration.1  His  plea  for  an  "  international  mind,” 
as  a  preparation  for  the  international  justice  which  shall 
replace  national  armaments,  is  illuminated  and  made  irre¬ 
sistible  by  an  appeal  to  the  facts  of  recent  experience  and 
the  logic  of  common  sense. 

M.  E.  Duplessix’s  "La  Loi  des  nations,”  2  and  Umano’s 
[an  anonymous  writer]  "  Essai  de  constitution  inter¬ 
national, ”  3  project  the  principles  of  past  development 
into  the  future,  and  present  in  very  suggestive  fash¬ 
ion  a  complete  system  of  jurisprudence  for  the  new 
world  organization,  having  due  regard  to  the  constitu¬ 
tions,  duties  and  rights  of  the  various  states  and  their 
citizens.  Both  authors  have  made  a  World  Parliament 
the  heart  of  their  system,  Duplessix  giving  it  repre¬ 
sentation  proportional  to  population,  and  Umano  rep¬ 
resentation  proportional  to  population,  industry  and 
wealth.  The  chief  function  of  the  world’s  executive, 
according  to  these  authors,  will  be  the  reduction  and 
transformation  of  the  existing  national  armaments  into 
an  international  police  force  —  the  idea  accentuated  by 
Edwin  Ginn  and  Andrew  Carnegie,  and  forming  the 
basis  of  the  resolution  on  the  reduction  of  armaments 
recently  adopted  by  Congress.  This  international  police 
force  will  be,  however,  no  mere  combination  of  national 
armaments  enforcing  national  will  and  interests,  as  was 
the  case  with  the  intervention  on  the  part  of  a  few  powers 
in  China  in  1900,  but  a  genuine  international  police  force 

1  "  The  International  Mind,”  New  York,  1912. 

2  Paris,  1906.  3  Paris,  1907. 


202 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


directed  by  the  world  judiciary  yet  still  conserving  the 
interests  of  every  member  of  the  Family  of  Nations. 

Turning  from  the  possible  future  back  to  the  actual 
present,  the  reader  of  Professor  Reinsch’s  "  Public  Inter¬ 
national  Unions  ”  1  cannot  fail  to  be  amazed  by  the  num¬ 
ber,  importance  and  far-reaching  scope  of  the  industrial, 
philanthropic  and  scientific  unions  which  have  been  en¬ 
tered  into  by  all  the  nations  for  their  common  interests. 
It  is  evident  from  every  page  of  this  inspiring  book 
how  greatly  the  economic,  philanthropic  and  scientific 
internationalism,  which  has  already  grown  so  powerful, 
is  promoting  political  internationalism  and  the  other 
factors  of  the  new  Peace  Movement. 

As  rapidly  and  surely  as  new  kinds  of  armor  and 
projectiles  and  aerial  navigation  have  made  obsolete  the 
armaments  of  only  a  few  years  ago,  so  rapidly  and  surely 
have  the  Hague  Conferences  and  their  results  made 
obsolete  most  of  the  treatises  on  international  law.  A 
striking  illustration  of  this  fact  is  seen  in  the  differ¬ 
ence  of  viewpoint  and  treatment  in  the  first  edition  of 
Professor  Lawrence’s  "  Principles  of  International  Law,” 
published  in  1895,  and  the  fourth  edition,  published  in 
1910.  The  change  which  has  come  over  the  spirit  of 
this  distinguished  scholar’s  treatment  of  arbitration  and 
many  other  topics  in  the  law  of  peace,  war  and  neu¬ 
trality  is  reflected  also  in  Norman  Bentwich’s  "  The 
Law  of  Private  Property  in  War  ”  2  and  L.  A.  Atherley- 
Jones’  "Commerce  in  War.”3  The  former  is  a  popular 
treatise,  rich  in  the  citation  of  American  decisions  on 
the  legal  status  of  the  private  property  of  both  neutrals 

1  Boston,  1909;  published  by  the  World  Peace  Foundation. 

2  Boston,  1907.  3  New  York,  1907. 


LITERATURE  OF  THE  PEACE  MOVEMENT  203 


and  belligerents,  and  on  the  great  fact  emphasized  so  sig¬ 
nificantly  in  the  Hague  Conferences,  namely,  the  rights 
and  duties  of  neutrals.  The  latter  treatise  is  a  mine  of 
information  and  citations  on  neutral  trade,  contraband 
and  many  similar  questions  which  are  being  at  last  defi¬ 
nitely  and  rationally  answered,  and  thus  ceasing  to  be  a 
prolific  cause  of  warfare  or  of  its  menace. 

One  especially  significant  book  originating  from  the 
work  of  the  Hague  Conferences  is  Sir  Thomas  Barclay’s 
"  Problems  of  International  Practice  and  Diplomacy,”  1 
which  contains  an  admirable  discussion  of  many  of  the 
problems  which  arose  in  and  out  of  the  Conferences,  and 
a  masterful  discussion  of  the  whole  subject  of  arbitration. 
The  history,  results  and  further  possible  application  of 
the  principle  of  neutralization,  which  has  done  so  much 
to  preserve  the  world’s  peace,  and  which  is  capable  of 
much  further  and  most  beneficent  extension,  are  briefly 
and  suggestively  presented  in  Cyrus  French  Wicker’s 
little  book  on  "  Neutralization.”  2 

Having  thus  summarily  reviewed  some  of  the  note¬ 
worthy  books  which  are  devoted  to  one  or  another  aspect 
of  the  many-sided  Peace  Movement  of  our  time,  brief 
reference  should  be  made  to  two  or  three  which  give  a 
general  idea  of  the  movement  as  a  whole.  No  book  does 
this  more  vividly,  more  authoritatively  or  more  opti¬ 
mistically  than  the  "  Memoirs  of  Bertha  von  Suttner.”  3 
Baroness  von  Suttner’s  long  and  indefatigable  labors 
in  behalf  of  peace  have  been  carried  on  by  pen  and 
voice  through  Europe  and  America,  and  they  have  been 

1  Boston,  1908.  2  London,  1911. 

3  Boston,  1910;  authorized  translation  from  the  German  by  Nathan 
Haskell  Dole. 


204 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


fittingly  recognized  by  the  award  of  the  Nobel  Prize; 
her  memoirs  thus  reveal  the  origin,  motives  and  achieve¬ 
ments  of  much  that  constitutes  the  modern  Peace  Move¬ 
ment,  and  they  reveal  at  the  same  time  the  appealing 
personality  of  one  of  the  greatest  women  of  our  time. 
"The  Life  and  Work  of  Sir  Randal  Cremer,”  1  by  his’ 
long-time  associate  Howard  Evans,  is  another  record  of  a 
remarkable  life  devoted  to  the  promotion  of  industrial 
and  international  peace,  and  especially  to  the  foundation 
of  the  Interparliamentary  Union  and  the  promotion  of 
arbitration  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States. 
Starting  life  as  a  poor  and  ignorant  apprentice,  Cremer’s 
single-hearted  devotion  to  the  cause  of  peace  was  recog¬ 
nized  by  signal  honors,  including  those  of  membership 
in  Parliament,  knighthood  and  the  Nobel  Prize  ;  and  the 
strength  of  his  ruling  passion  was  shown  when,  though 
old  and  poor,  he  turned  over  the  $40,000  of  the  Nobel 
Prize  to  the  furtherance  of  the  cause  of  peace.  A  much 
smaller  though  very  comprehensive  popular  view  of  the 
Peace  Movement  as  a  whole  is  Mrs.  Lucia  Ames  Mead’s 
"Patriotism  and  the  New  Internationalism.”  2  This  in¬ 
cisive  product  of  Mrs.  Mead’s  long  and  keen  study  of 
the  varied  aspects  of  international  peace  is  especially 
designed  for  the  information  and  inspiration  of  teachers 
who  desire  to  celebrate  in  fitting  manner  on  May  18  the 
substance  and  the  promise  of  the  Peace  Movement  as 
centered  in  the  Hague  Conferences.  Another  small  but 
valuable  book  which  presents  the  Peace  Movement  from 
several  sides  in  an  informing  and  practically  suggestive 
manner  is  Reverend  Frederick  Lynch’s  "  The  Peace 

1  Boston,  1910  ;  published  by  the  World  Peace  Foundation. 

2  Published  in  pamphlet  form  by  the  World  Peace  Foundation,  1906. 


LITERATURE  OF  THE  PEACE  MOVEMENT  205 


Problem.”  1  The  thoughtful  and  earnest  work  on  "War 
or  Peace,”  2  by  General  H.  M.  Chittenden,  would  com¬ 
mand  attention  if  simply  as  the  work  of  a  military  man ; 
but,  although  we  think  it  unnecessarily  anxious  and  con¬ 
servative  in  some  sections,  it  commands  attention  more 
for  its  positive  merits,  its  clear  and  resolute  arraignment 
of  the  evils  of  militarism  and  the  war  system,  and  its  true 
perception  of  the  right  and  rational  course  to  better  things. 

It  is  natural  that  a  cause  which  is  taking  so  powerful 
a  hold  upon  the  imaginations  of  men  as  the  cause  of  in¬ 
ternational  peace  and  justice  is  doing,  should  find  its 
place  in  fiction.  Baroness  von  Suttner’s  "  Lay  down  your 
Arms,”  3  —  which  has  been  called  the  "Uncle  Tom’s 
Cabin  of  the  Peace  Movement,” — Leo  Tolstoy’s  "  War 
and  Peace,”  Israel  Zangwill’s  "The  War  God,”  4  and 
Will  Levington  Comfort’s  "  Routledge  rides  Alone,” 5 
are  perhaps  the  best-known  examples  of  this  kind  of 
peace  literature.  These  books  confine  themselves,  how¬ 
ever,  as  do  most  of  the  poems  on  peace,  to  emphasizing 
the  horrors  of  warfare ;  Tennyson  almost  alone,  and  he 
in  a  bare  handful  of  golden  words,  has  made  the  sesthetic 
appeal  to  human  emotions  from  the  point  of  view  of  the 
"  Parliament  of  man,  the  Federation  of  the  world.” 

A  movement  of  world-wide  volume,  importance  and 
rapid  growth,  like  that  of  international  peace,  is  in  dire 
need  of  such  agencies  of  information  and  instruction  as 
are  represented  by  reference  books,  pamphlets,  leaflets, 
periodicals  and  newspapers.  The  Peace  Movement  is 
as  yet  only  partially  supplied  with  these. 

i  New  York,  1911.  2  Chicago,  1911. 

3  London  and  New  York,  1894;  translated  and  published  in  numerous 
editions.  4  New  York,  1912.  5  Philadelphia,  1910. 


206 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


"  The  Peace  Year-book,”  1  the  "  Annuaire  cle  la  vie 
internationale,”  2  "  Der  W eg  zum  Weltfrieden,”  3  and 
the  "Handbuch  der  Friedensbewegung,”  3  are  the  chief 
reference  books  published  at  present  which  are  devoted 
exclusively  to  peace.  These  may  be  usefully  supple¬ 
mented  by  more  general  reference  books,  such  as  the 
"New  International  Year-book,”  the  "Statesman’s  Year¬ 
book  ”  and  the  "  American  Year-book.” 

The  invaluable  series  of  pamphlets  and  leaflets  which 
are  being  published  by  the  World  Peace  Foundation,  the 
American  Branch  of  the  Association  for  International 
Conciliation,  and  the  American  Society  for  the  Judicial 
Settlement  of  International  Disputes  have  been  referred 
to  elsewhere.4  The  reports  of  the  international  and 
national  congresses,  the  Lake  Mohonk  Conference,  and 
the  increasingly  numerous  reports,  pamphlets,  bulletins, 
etc.,  of  the  various  national  and  local  peace  societies, 
reflect  the  scope  and  vitality  of  the  Peace  Movement 
and  contain  a  large  amount  of  information,  guidance 
and  inspiration.  All  the  material  mentioned  in  this 
paragraph  should  be  far  more  widely  distributed,  and 
an  annual  digest  of  it  should  be  prepared  in  systematic 
and  popular  form  and  placed  in  the  hands  of  every 
one  who  can  read. 

The  periodical  publications  devoted  exclusively  to 
peace  are  issued,  at  present,  only  by  the  peace  societies 
themselves,  and  have  not  yet  reached  the  height  of 
popular  and  financial  success.  The  Advocate  of  Peace ,5 

1  Published  by  the  National  Peace  Council,  London. 

2  Published  by  the  Office  central  des  Institutions  internationales, 

Brussels.  3  Both  by  Alfred  H.  Fried  of  Vienna. 

4  See  above,  Chapter  XV,  pp.  165-183. 

5  Published  monthly  by  the  American  Peace  Society,  Washington. 


LITERATURE  OF  THE  PEACE  MOVEMENT  207 


the  Herald  of  Peace ,*  Concord ,1 2  the  Peace  Movement ,3 4  are 
among  the  best-known  publications  of  this  kind  in  Eng¬ 
lish  ;  and  at  least  twelve  similar  ones  are  published  in 
six  other  languages.  The  periodicals  devoted  to  inter¬ 
national  law  in  general  are  increasingly  useful  to  the 
student  of  the  Peace  Movement,  and  among  the  very 
best  of  these  is  the  scholarly  and  ably  edited  Ameri¬ 
can  Journal  of  International  Law. 4  The  American  Jour¬ 
nal  of  Political  Science ,5  also,  while  covering  the  whole 
vast  field  of  national  and  international  politics,  contains 
much  valuable  material  of  varied  kinds  for  the  student 
of  international  peace. 

It  need  not  be  emphasized  how  potent  an  influence  is 
exerted  upon  the  popular  attitude  toward  international 
as  toward  national  •  policies  by  the  daily  and  weekly 
press.  The  Peace  Movement  has  not  yet  perhaps  pro¬ 
cured  the  adequate  daily  newspaper  champion  which  shall 
at  each  necessary  hour  launch  the  pebble  of  truth  against 
the  forehead  of  falsehood  which  the  Goliath  of  yellow 
journalism  turns  so  persistently  and  so  balefully  upon 
even  God’s  chosen  peoples  of  twentieth-century  enlight¬ 
enment  ;  but  half  a  dozen  of  our  ablest  American  news¬ 
papers,  and  many  a  humbler  sheet,  have  by  their  faithful 
and  noble  service  won  for  themselves  a  warm  place  in 
the  hearts  of  all  lovers  of  justice  and  reason.  An  ounce 
of  truth  in  regard  to  the  daily  recurring  "  international 

1  Published  monthly  by  the  Peace  Society,  London. 

2  Published  monthly  by  the  International  Arbitration  and  Peace  Associ¬ 
ation,  London. 

3  Published  semimonthly  by  the  International  Peace  Bureau,  Berne. 

4  Published  quarterly  by  the  American  Society  of  International  Law, 
Washington. 

3  Published  quarterly  by  the  American  Society  of  Political  Science, 
Baltimore. 


208 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


incident  ”  would  prevent  many  a  ton  of  misinformation 
and  prejudice  from  causing  anxious  forebodings  and 
frantic  preparations  for  warfare  in  the  international  arena. 
Among  the  weekly  journals  which  represent  the  best 
leadership  toward  that  national  sobriety  and  self-control 
which  makes  for  international  peace  and  justice,  the 
Independent  has  rendered  and  is  ever  rendering  pre¬ 
eminent  service.  Every  lover  of  international  peace  and 
justice  may  devoutly  say  of  these  brave  and  consecrated 
journalistic  helpers,  as  was  said  of  Abou  Ben  Adhem, 
"  may  their  tribe  increase  !  ”  He  may  also  devoutly  hope 
that  a  great  daily  or  weekly  newspaper,  thoroughly  repre¬ 
sentative  of  the  new  internationalism,  will  at  no  distant 
time  be  dedicated  exclusively  to  it ;  and  that  such  a 
journal  indeed  may  be  established  in  every  one  of  the 
world’s  great  centers.  Then  will  the  power  of  the  pen 
be  so  constantly  exerted  and  so  effective  that  the  power 
of  the  sword  will  sink  into  nothingness  before  it. 


INDEX 


Aaron,  23 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  114 
Addams,  Jane,  190 
Adriatic  Sea,  24 
Advocate  of  Peace,  the,  177,  206 
Africa,  197 

Air,  warfare  in  the,  6,  14,  26,  32, 

37,  100 

Alabama  arbitration,  151, 153, 154 
Albert,  Prince,  of  Monaco,  167 
Albigensian  Crusaders,  55 
Algeria,  174 

American  Association  for  Inter¬ 
national  Conciliation,  34,  167- 
168,  206 

American  Historical  Association, 

31 

American  Journal  of  International 
Law ,  207 

American  Journal  of  Political  Sci¬ 
ence,  207 

American  Peace  and  Arbitration 
League,  157 

American  Peace  Society,  175, 

176- 177,  206 

American  School  Peace  League, 

177- 179 

American  Society  for  Judicial 
Settlement  of  International 
Disputes,  68,  176,  206 
American  Society  of  Interna¬ 
tional  Law,  34 
"  American  Year-book,”  206 
Andrews,  Fannie  Fern,  177 
Angell,  Norman,  190-193 
”  Annuaire  de  la  vie  interna¬ 
tional  e,”  206 
Antelope,  the,  34 
Antislavery  movement,  v-vii 
Apponyi,  Count  Albert,  167 

209 


Arbitration,  international :  Court 
of  Arbitral  Justice,  21,  22-23, 
24,  29,  31,  33,  85,  163  ;  obliga¬ 
tory,  18-20,  29,  33,  41,  61,  107- 
110,  124,  156,  157,  162  ;  Perma¬ 
nent  Court  of,  3,17, 21-22, 28-29, 
32,  60,  63,  64,  95,  114,  124,  153, 
162,  197-199  ;  progress,  recent, 
17,  138-139,  151-164,  197-199 ; 
retarded  by  increasing  arma¬ 
ments,  101-103,  113-114;  trea¬ 
ties  of,  60,  124,  138,  152-163  ; 
treaty  between  United  States 
and  Great  Britain,  17,  60,  64, 
66-67,  70-81,  107-110,  153-158, 
161 ;  voluntary,  18,  41-42,  124, 

161  ;  world  treaty  of,  obliga¬ 
tory,  19-20,  29,  33,  41,  72,  76, 
161,  163-164 

Argentina,  37,  41,  45,  102,  161, 

162 

Armageddon,  106 
Armaments:  air,  14;  an  economic 
burden,  99;  increasing,  v-vi,  14, 
67,  92,  95-107,  113-114,  117- 
118,  129, 131,  136,  139-140,  190, 
193  ;  limitation  of,  13-14,  24, 
25-26,  31,  37,  66,  102,  140,  161 ; 
not  analogous  to  police  force, 
82-94 ;  obsolescence,  100,  201, 
202 

Art,  120 

Asphyxiating  gases,  6,  26-27,  32, 

88,  112 

Assize  of  Arms,  73 
Association  of  Cosmopolitan 
Clubs,  169-170,  179 
Atlierley-Jones,  L.  A.,  202-203 
Australia,  174 
Austria-Hungary,  9,  76 


210 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


Babylon,  103 

Baker,  J.  Allen,  M.P.,  168 
Balance  of  power,  theory  of,  52 
Balkan  states,  47,  49,  69,  194- 
195 

Baltimore,  30,  142,  175 
Barbarians,  laws  of  Teutonic,  5 
Barbosa,  Buy,  42-43,  43-44,  102 
Barclay,  Sir  Thomas,  203 
Barrett,  John,  174,  197 
Battle,  trial  by,  50-67 
Becket,  Thomas,  64 
Beernaert,  Auguste,  121 
Belligerents,  6-8,  11-13 
Bentwich,  Norman,  202-203 
Bering  Sea  arbitration,  155 
Berne  Bureau,  170-171 
Berne  Conference,  181 
Bieberstein,  Baron  Marschall  von, 
9,  18,  72 

Biological  aspects  of  war,  186-187 
Bismarck,  Prince,  55-56,  96 
Blackstone,  Sir  William,  55,  56- 
57 

Bland  and  Backhouse,  195-196 
Bloch,  Jean  de,  169,  188-190 
Blockade,  11,  27 
Boer  War,  62,  102 
Bohemia,  97 
Bolivar,  Simon,  199 
Bombardment,  6,  27,  39 
Boston,  165,  176 
Bourgeois,  L6on,  103,  114 
Brazil,  21,  40,  41,  42,  43,  44,  45 
Bridgman,  Raymond  L.,  200 
Brown  University,  123 
Brussels  Interparliamentary  Bu¬ 
reau,  171 

Bryce,  James,  56,  121 
Budapest,  172 
Buenos  Aires,  173 
Bullets,  dum-dum,  3,  6,  26-27, 
32,  37-38,  88,  112-113 
Bureaus,  international  :  Berne, 
170-171;  Brussels  Interparlia¬ 
mentary,  171 ;  Hague,  42,  161  ; 
Pan-American,  173-174 
Burns,  Robert,  2 
Burton,  Theodore  E.,  176 
Butler,  Nicholas  Murray,  181,201 


Call,  Arthur  Deerin,  177 
Canada,  37,  66,  87,  102,  152-153 
Canning,  George,  114 
Capture  of  private  property  at 
sea,  12,  27,  32,  39-40 
Carnegie,  Andrew,  154,  160,  174, 
180,  181,  201 

Carnegie  Endowment  for  Inter¬ 
national  Peace,  171,  180-182 
Cartago  Peace  Palace,  160 
Casablanca  arbitration,  162 
Central  American  Court  of  Jus¬ 
tice,  124,  160 
Cerberus,  15 
Charlemagne,  130 
Chicago  Peace  Congress,  1,  2, 142, 
148,  165,  175 

Chicago  Peace  Society,  177 
Chile,  37,  41,  102,  161,  162 
China,  3,  10-11,  58,  87,  92,  162, 
195-196,  201 

Chittenden,  General  H.  M.,  205 
Choate,  Joseph  H.,  12,  23,  27,  41, 
42,  72,  102,  103 

Christianity  and  peace  power, 
120,  135,  136-141 
Church,  the,  and  warfare,  129-131 
Clarendon,  Constitutions  and 
Assize,  74 
Clark,  John  B.,  181 
Cleveland,  Grover,  98,  154-155 
Colombia,  35,  39 
Comfort,  Will  Levington,  205 
Commissions  of  Inquiry,  Inter¬ 
national,  14-15,  28,  32,  63,  68- 
70,  124,  137 
Compensation,  52-53 
Compurgation,  59 
Conciliation  Internationale,  167- 
168,  206 
Concord,  207 

Conferences,  international : 
Berne,  181  ;  Central  American, 
160  ;  Hague,  First  and  Second, 
ix,  1-49,  65,  68-70,  131-132, 
136,  155,  156,  161,  197,  202; 
Hague,  third,  30,  33,  40,  64, 
66;  Interparliamentary,  172; 
Lake  Mohonk,  182-183,  201, 
206 ;  London  Naval,  1908-1909, 


INDEX 


211 


11,  21,  27 ;  Pan-American, 
173-174 

Congresses :  Chambers  of  Com¬ 
merce,  International,  179-180; 
International  Peace,  165,  170; 
National  Peace,  2,  50,  175; 
Universal  Races,  166 
Connecticut  Compromise,  the, 
47-49 

Contraband  of  war,  11,  27,  40 
Contractual  indebtedness,  20,  29, 
42-43,  61,  64 

Conventions :  Geneva,  5-6,  26, 
27,  39  ;  Hague,  4-5 
Co-operative  Holidays  Associa¬ 
tion,  168-169 
Corda  Fratres,  169-170 
Correspondance  bi-mensuelle ,  170 
Cosmopolitan  Student ,  the,  170 
Courts  :  Arbitral  Justice,  21,  22- 
23,  24,  29,  31,  33,  43,  85,  102, 
124,  163  ;  Central  American, 
124, 160;  International  Prize,  4, 
13,  20-21,  29,  43,  124  ;  Perma¬ 
nent,  of  Arbitration,  3,  17,  21- 
22,  28-29,  32,  60,  63,  64,  95, 101- 
102,  114,  124,  159,  162,  197-199 
Cremer,  Sir  Randal,  154-155,  171, 
204 

Crozier,  Captain  William,  112-113 
Crusades,  55,  127 
Cuba,  38 

Davis,  General  George  B.,  9 
Davitt,  Michael,  155 
Declarations  :  Brussels  (1874),  5  ; 
Paris  (1856),  3,  13,  27,  39  ;  St. 
Petersburg  (1868),  5  ;  war,  7- 
8,  26,  32,  58 

Deimling,  General  von,  56 
Denmark,  162,  173 
Descamps,  Chevalier,  114 
Diplomacy,  84-85,  122 
Disarmament,  13-14 
Dodge,  David  Low,  174 
Dogger  Bank  incident,  15,  70,  124 
Domesday  Book,  73 
Dominican  Republic,  38,  43 
Drago,  Luis  M.,  41,  42 
Drago  doctrine,  the,  42 


Drama,  the,  120 
Duel,  the,  107 

Dum-dum  bullets,  3,  6,  26-27,  32, 
37-38,  88, 112-113 
Duplessix,  E.,  201 

Economic  aspects  of  war,  189-193 
Economic  internationalism,  120- 
121 

Education,  campaign  of,  vii-ix, 
30,  165-208 
Egypt,  174 

Eliot,  Charles  W.,  197 
Equality  of  sovereign  states,  34- 
36,  43-44,  46-49 

Estournelles  de  Constant,  Baron 
d’,  65,  69,  167 
European  Concert,  34-35 
Evans,  Admiral,  95 
Evans,  Howard,  204 
Excursions,  peace,  168 

Family  feuds,  52 
Family  of  nations,  2-4,  47-49,  53- 
54,  78-80, 137-139, 148-149, 163, 
199-202 
Faustrecht ,  51 

Federation  of  Religious  Liberals, 
126 

Fisher,  Admiral,  101 
Flag  of  Peace,  31,  150 
Fort  McHenry,  142-143 
France,  28,  37,  60,  70,  71,  76,  87, 
91,  98,  122,  158,  162,  174,  175 
Franklin,  Benjamin,  185 
French  Revolution,  103,  113 
Fried,  Alfred  H.,  206 
Frithborh ,  52 

Galahad,  Sir,  103 
Gases,  asphyxiating,  6,  26-27,  32 
Geneva  award,  151,  153,  154 
Geneva  Conventions,  5-6,  26,  27, 
39 

George-  the  Third,  66 
George  the  Fifth,  66 
Germany,  3,  9,  18-19,  20,  28,  29, 
35,  39,  43,  45,  51,  60,  62,  65,  92, 
93,  96,  100,  105-106,  108,  122, 
162,  168 


212 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


Ginn,  Edwin,  179,  180,  201 
Gladstone,  William  E.,  154 
Golden  Horn,  24 
Good  offices,  15-17,  28,  32 
Goodrich,  Joseph  K.,  196-197 
Graham,  J.  W.,  188 
Grand  Jury,  International,  63- 
65,  68-81,  108,  163-164 
Great  Britain,  3,  11,  15,  17,  19, 
26,  29,  33,  37,  40,  41,  58-67,  70, 
71,  76,  87,  91,  92,  93,  96,  97,  98, 
100,  105-106,  108,  112,  113, 
152-158, 161-162,  168,  174,  175, 
188,  198 

Great  Lakes,  102 
Greece,  69 

Gresham,  Walter  Q.,  155 
Grey,  Sir  Edward,  56 
Grotius,  Hugo,  5,  34,  46,  123 
Guatemala,  37,  60 
Gundobald  of  Burgundy,  Edict 
of,  54 

Ilagerup,  Francis,  4 
Hague  Conferences :  achieve¬ 
ments  of  first  two,  1-24,  65, 
68-70,  131-132,  136,  155,  156, 
161,  197,  202  ;  beginning  of  the 
new  Peace  Movement,  ix,  25  ; 
development  of,  47-49  ;  Latin 
America  at,  34-45  ;  the  third, 
30,  33,  40,  64,  66 ;  United 
States  at,  25-45 

Hague  Courts :  Arbitral  Justice, 
21,  22-23,  24,  29,  31,  33,  43,  85, 
102,  124,  163 ;  International 
Prize,  4,  13,  20-21,  29,  43,  124; 
Permanent,  of  Arbitration,  3, 
17,  21-22,  28-29,  32,  60,  63,  64, 
95,  101-102,  114,  124,  159,  162, 
197-199 

Hague  Day,  204 

Hague,  International  Bureau, 
42,  161 

Hague,  Peace  Palace,  17, '24,  67, 
132 

Haiti,  41 

Hall  of  the  Knights,  2 
"  Handbuch  der  Friedensbewe- 
gung,”  206 


Harcourt,  Sir  William,  154 
Hay,  John,  149,  155-156 
Henry  II,  62,  64,  73-74 
Herald  of  Peace ,  the,  207 
Hill,  David  Jayne,  199-200 
Hirst,  Francis  W.,  199 
History  Teachers’  Association,  111 
Hobson,  Captain  K.  P.,'95 
Hobson,  John  A.,  188,  197 
Holland,  7 

Holls,  F.  W.,  28,  114 
Holt,  Hamilton,  180,  196 
Holy  Alliance,  35,  112 
Honor,  national,  41,  56,  61,  69 
Hull  fishermen,  15,  70,  124 

Imperialism,  188 
Independent ,  the,  180,  208 
India,  87,  196 
Industrial  Revolution,  1 
Institut  de  Droit  International, 
8,  166 

Institut  International  de  la  Paix, 
167 

International  arbitration.  See 
Arbitration 

International  Bureau  at  The 
Hague,  Permanent,  42,  161 
International  bureaus,  commis¬ 
sions,  etc.,  123,  200,  202 
International  commissions  of  in¬ 
quiry,  14-15,  28,  32,  63,  68-80, 
137 

International  Conciliation,  Amer¬ 
ican  Association  for,  167,  206 
International  Court  of  Arbitral 
Justice,  21,  22-23,  24,  29,  31, 
33,  43-44,  85,  102,  124,  163 
International  Court  of  Arbitra¬ 
tion,  Permanent,  3,  17,  21-22, 
28-29,  32,  60,  63,  64,  95,  101- 
102,  114,  124,  159,  162,  197-199 
International  grand  jury,  63-65, 
68-81,  108,  163-164 
International  law,  4-5,  122-123, 
163,  166-167,  181,  200-203 
International  Law  Association, 
166-167 

International  Peace  Bureau  at 
Berne,  170-171 


INDEX 


213 


International  police,  93,  201-202 
International  Prize  Court,  4,  13, 
20-21,  29,  43,  124 
International  public  opinion,  3-4, 
14-15,  64,  80,  121-122,  164 
International  School  of  Peace, 
179,  180 

International  solidarity,  2-4,  53- 
54,  74,  138 

Internationalism,  economic,  120- 
121 

Interparliamentary  Union,  1 71— 
173,  204 

Interparliamentary  Union  of  the 
North,  173 

Italy,  35,  39,  60,  70,  97,  162 

James,  William,  193-194 
Japan,  38,  41,  60,  97,  100,  106, 
162,  174,  180,  195,  196-197 
Japanese  House  Tax  arbitration, 
162 

Jay  treaty,  66,  152 
Jefferson,  Thomas,  114 
Jerusalem,  127 
Jingoism,  97 

Johns  Hopkins  University,  30,  32, 
100 

Joint  high  commission,  71,  72-76 
Jomini,  Baron,  115 
Jordan,  David  Starr,  180,  186, 
193,  197 

Jordan  River,  23 
Joshua,  23 

Jury,  international  grand,  63-65, 
68-81,  108,  163-164 
Jury,  trial  by,  62-67,  73-76,  102, 
107 

Justice,  Court  of  Arbitral,  21,  22- 
23,  24,  29,  31,  33,  43,  85,  102, 
124,  163 

Kant,  Immanuel,  185 
Rebel,  an  English  farmer,  59 
Kellogg,  Vernon  L.,  186-187 
Key,  Francis  Scott,  30,  31,  143 
Knox,  Philander  Chase,  23 
Korea,  195 

Ladd,  George  T.,  195 


Lake  Mohonk  Conference,  182- 
183,  201 

Lange,  Christian  L.,  171 
Lateran  Council,  Fourth,  65 
Latin  American  republics,  3,  20, 
34-45,  47,  49,  60,  112,  113,  159- 
161,  173-174,  197,  199 
Lawrence,  T.  J.,  17,  34,  202 
Lex  talionis ,  51 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  vii,  98,  122, 
147 

Literature,  120 

Literature  of  the  Peace  Move¬ 
ment,  184-208 

London,  Universal  Races  Con¬ 
gress,  166 

London  Naval  Conference,  11, 
21,  27 

Louis  the  Ninth,  55 
Lowell,  James  Russell,  80-81, 
110,  134 

Lubbock,  Sir  John,  154 
Lucerne  Peace  Museum,  169 
Lynch,  Reverend  Frederick,  204 

McKinley,  William,  155 
Macedonia,  35 
Madison,  James,  49,  200 
Magna  Cliarta,  13,  21,  65,  74,  83 
Mahan,  Admiral,  111-119 
Maine ,  the,  84 
Manchuria,  35 
Marburg,  Theodore,  176 
Marschall  von  Bieberstein,  Baron, 
9,  18,  72 

Marshall,  John,  C.J.,  34 
Martens,  Professor  de,  63 
Maryland  Peace  Society,  25 
Mead,  Edwin  D.,  180,  184-185, 
194 

Mead,  Lucia  Ames,  180,  204 
Mechanical  aspects  of  war,  188- 
190 

Mediation,  15-17,  28,  32,  137-138 
Merchant  ships  in  war,  12-13,  20, 
40 

Metternicli,  Prince,  112,  113,  114, 
115 

Mexico,  3,  37,  41,  60,  159,  160, 
173 


214 


THE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


Mines,  submarine,  6,  10-11,  27, 
38-39 

Missionaries,  foreign,  129-130 
Mohonk  Conference,  182-183,  201 
Monroe  doctrine,  20,  35,  04,  72, 
97,  98,  108,  173,  197 
Moral  aspects  of  war,  193-194 
Moral  law,  120 
Morgan,  John  T.,  155 
Morocco,  35 
Morris,  Robert  C.,  199 
Mosaic  code,  23,  128,  133-134, 
135,  136 

Munster,  Count,  101 

National  Education  Association, 
178 

National  Peace  Councils,  175- 
176 

Netherlands,  162 
Neutral  prizes,  11,  27 
Neutral  rights  and  duties,  6-11, 
27,  32,  40,  202-203 
Neutralization,  203 
"  New  International  Year-book,” 
206 

New  Peace  Movement :  instru¬ 
mentalities,  165-183 ;  litera¬ 
ture,  179,  184-208;  signifi¬ 

cance,  v-viii,  165,  171 
New  York,  31,  175,  176 
New  York  Peace  Society,  174, 177 
New  Zealand,  174 
Nicaragua,  37,  43 
Nigra,  Count,  114 
Nobel  Peace  Prize,  204 
North  Atlantic  Coast  Fisheries 
arbitration,  153 
Norway,  4,  60,  173 
Novicow,  J.,  185-186 

Obligatory  arbitration,  18-20,  29, 
33,  41,  61,  107-110,  124.  156, 
157,  162 

Olney,  Richard,  35,  155 
Ordeals  of  fire  and  water,  54,  58, 
65 

Orinoco  Steamship  Company 
arbitration,  159 
Outlook ,  the,  95,  96,  103 


Panama,  35,  38,  40 
Pan-American  Bureau  and  Con¬ 
ferences,  173-174,  197 
Paraguay,  37 

Paris,  Declaration  of  (1856),  3, 
13,  27,  39 

Parliament,  British,  76 
Pauncefote,  Lord,  101,  114,  155 
Peace  Congresses  :  International, 
165,  170  ;  National,  2,  50,  175 
Peace  Councils,  National,  175- 
176 

Peace  excursions,  168-169 
Peace  Flag,  31,  150 
Peace  Movement ,  the,  170,  207 
Peace  Movement,  the  New  :  in¬ 
strumentalities,  165-183  ;  lit¬ 
erature,  179,  184-208  ;  signifi¬ 
cance,  v-viii,  165,  171 
Peace  palaces :  Cartago,  160 ; 
The  Hague,  17,  24, 67, 132  ;  San 
Jos4,  160;  Washington,  174 
Peace  power,  111-125 
Peace  societies :  International, 
165-174  ;  National,  174-183 
”  Peace  Year-book,  the,”  206 
Penn,  William,  136,  140,  141,  185 
Pennsylvania  Arbitration  and 
Peace  Society,  177 
Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration, 
3,  17,  21-22,  28-29,  32,  60,  63, 
64,  95,  114,  124,  159 
Permanent  International  Peace 
Bureau,  Berne,  170-171 
Persia,  35,  195 
Peru,  41-42,  60,  161 
Petitio  principii,  105 
Pious  Funds  arbitration,  159 
Pitt,  William,  158 
Police  forces  not  analogous  to 
armaments,  82-94 
Political  aspects  of  war,  187-188 
Porter,  General  Horace,  20 
Porter  proposition,  20,  29,  42-43, 
61,  64 

Portsmouth,  Peace  of,  16,  95 
Portugal,  41,  113,  161,  162 
Positive  program  of  peace,  24, 
133-141 

Prisoners  of  war,  26,  38 


INDEX 


215 


Private  property  at  sea,  capture 
of,  12,  27,  32,  89-40 
Private  war,  51 
Privateering,  3,  13,  27,  39 
Prize  Court,  International,  4,  13, 
20-21,  29,  43,  124 
Projectiles,  3,  6,  26-27,  32,  37-38, 
88,  112-113 

Public  opinion,  international,  3- 
4,  14-15,  64,  80,  121-122,  164 
Public  peace,  the,  53 

Quakers  and  warfare,  134-135, 
136,  140,  141 

Quesada,  Gonzalo  de,  199 

Ralston,  Jackson  H.,  197-198 
Red  Cross  rules,  5-6,  26,  27,  39 
Reinsch,  Paul  S.,  196,  202 
Religion  and  peace  power,  126-141 
Retaliation,  law  of,  51 
Rio  Janeiro,  173 
Robinson,  J.  H.,  119 
Roland,  Madame,  103 
Rome,  103 

Roosevelt,  Theodore,  16,  95-99, 
101,  102,  158 

Root,  Eliliu,  19,  23,  84,  124,  156, 
181,  198 

Ross,  Edward  A.,  196 
Roumania,  69 
Russia,  15,  25,  60,  70 
Russo-Japanese  War,  10-11,  15, 
16,  62,  70,  92,  95 

St.  Louis,  Missouri,  172 
Saladin  tithe,  73 
Salisbury,  Marquis  of,  151-152 
San  Jos6  Peace  Palace,  160 
Scott,  James  Brown,  181 
Scott,  Sir  Walter,  115 
Sea  power,  111-119 
Servia,  69 

Seven  Years’  War,  87 
Shuster,  W.  Morgan,  195 
Slavery,  130 

Smiley,  Albert  K.,  182,  183 
Smith,  Goldwin,  187-188 
Solidarity,  international,  2-4,  53- 
54,  138 


Spain,  3,  37 

Spanish- American  War,  62,  87 
,f  Star-Spangled  Banner,”  the, 
30,  142-143 

"  Statesman’s  Year-book,”  206 
Stephen,  King,  61 
Submarine  mines,  6,  10-11,  27, 
38-39 

Suttner,  Baroness  von,  167,  203- 
204,  205 
Sweden,  60,  173 
Switzerland,  3 

Taft,  President,  70,  75,  79,  80, 
109-110,  152,  156-157,  158 
Tavignano ,  the,  70 
Tolstoy,  Leo,  205 
Trial  by  battle,  50-67,  73,  102, 
107 

Trial  by  jury,  62-67,  73-76,  102, 
107 

Trial  by  ordeal,  54,  58,  65 
Tribal  law,  52-53 
Trueblood,  Benjamin  E.,  177 
Tryon,  Admiral,  111 
Turkey,  41,  60,  194-195 
Turko-Italian  War,  70 
Twelve  Tables,  Laws  of,  5 

Umaiio  (pseudonym),  201 
United  States:  A  labama  arbitra¬ 
tion,  153  ;  arbitration,  obliga¬ 
tory,  19,  29,  41,  161  ;  arbitra¬ 
tion,  participation  in,  152-161, 
198  ;  arbitration  treaty  with 
Great  Britain,  17,  60,  64,  66- 
67,  70-81,  107-110,  153-159, 
181-182 ;  arbitrations  with 
Canada,  152-153  ;  arbitrations 
with  Great  Britain,  152-153  ; 
armaments,  25-26,  31, 100, 102, 
103,  106  ;  asphyxiating  gases, 
26-27,  32,  88,  112  ;  Bering  Sea 
arbitration,  155  ;  blockade,  27- 
28 ;  bombardment,  27 ;  cap¬ 
ture  of  private  property  at 
sea,  12,  27,  32,  39-40,  202-203 ; 
centenary  of  peace  with  Great 
Britain,  66 ;  Chinese  indem¬ 
nity,  87  ;  civilization,  144-145  ; 


216 


TIIE  NEW  PEACE  MOVEMENT 


commissions  of  inquiry,  28, 
32  ;  Congress,  26,  33,  154 ; 
Constitution,  21,  23,  43,  48,  64, 
66,  74,  77,  108  ;  contraband  of 
war,  27-28,  40  ;  Court  of  Arbi¬ 
tral  Justice,  29,  33,  43,  102 ; 
Declaration  of  Paris,  27,  29  ; 
declaration  of  war,  26,  32 ; 
dum-dum  bullets,  6,  26~27,  32, 
37-38,  88,  112-113;  education, 
145-146  ;  flag,  30-31,  142-150  ; 
fleet  around  the  world,  117— 
118, 122  ;  Geneva  Conventions, 
26,  27 ;  Hague  Conference, 
third,  30,  33  ;  Hague  Confer¬ 
ences,  First  and  Second  ;  25- 
45 ;  history,  142-150  ;  immi¬ 
gration  policy,  72,  97-98,  146- 
147  ;  International  Prize  Court, 
29,  43;  Jay  treaty,  66,  152; 
jury  trial,  66  ;  mediation  and 
good  offices,  28,  32  ;  Monroe 
doctrine,  20,  35,  64,  72,  97-98, 
108,  117,  173 ;  neutral  rights 
and  duties,  27,  40  ;  North  At¬ 
lantic  Coast  Fisheries  arbitra¬ 
tion,  153 ;  Orinoco  Steamship 
Company  arbitration,  159 ; 
peace  and  interdependence, 
148-150 ;  Peace  Congresses, 
165,  175  ;  Peace  societies,  174- 
175  ;  Permanent  Court  of  Ar¬ 
bitration,  28-29,  32,  41-42,  60  ; 
Pious  Funds  arbitration,  159  ; 
popular  government,  147  ;  Por¬ 
ter  proposition,  29,  42-43 ; 

prisoners  of  war,  26,  38  ;  reli¬ 
gious  liberty,  146  ;  Senate,  71, 
72,  75-79,  108-109,  155-158; 
Spanish-American  W ar,  62,  84, 
87  ;  submarine  mines,  27,  38- 
39  ;  Supreme  Court,  76,  160 ; 
Union,  formation  of  the,  1, 


47-49, 109, 147-148,  200;  Vene¬ 
zuela  boundary  arbitration, 
155  ;  warfare  in  the  air,  26, 
32 

Universal  Paces  Congress,  166 
Uruguay,  41 

Venezuela,  24,  37,  42,  43,  60,  108, 
124,  139,  155,  159,  160 
Virginia,  64 

Walsh,  Walter,  193 
War :  arguments  for  and  against, 
185-194  ;  causes  of,  194-197  ; 
declaration  of,  7-8,  26,  32,  58  ; 
definition  of,  55,  56-57,  126- 
127,  134,  149  ;  prevention  of, 
13-24,  127,  131-132,  197-203 
Warfare  :  in  the  air,  6,  14,  26,  32, 
37,  100;  on  land,  5-7,  26-27, 
32,  37-38,  115-116  ;  on  sea,  5, 
8, 10-13,  27,  32,  38-40, 115-116  ; 
laws  and  customs  of,  3,  58,  82- 
94 

Warner,  Horace  Everett,  186 
Washington,  D.C.,  173,  174,  176 
Washington,  George,  194,  200 
Watson,  William,  125 
,f  Weg  zum  Weltfrieden,  Der,” 
206 

White,  Andrew  D.,  12,  27,  114, 
123 

Wicker,  Cyrus  French,  203 
William  the  Conqueror,  58,  73 
Woods,  Id.  Charles,  194-195 
World  organization,  199-202 
World  Peace  Foundation,  179- 
180,  185,  186,  189, 193,  194, 197, 
198,  200,  202,  206 
World’s  fairs  and  congresses,  121 

Zangwill,  Israel,  205 
Zorn,  Professor  Philip,  6 


BY  THE  SAME  AUTHOR 


THE 

TWO  HAGUE  CONFERENCES 


By  WILLIAM  I.  HULL,  Ph.D. 


TT  is,  perhaps,  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  two  Hague 
Conferences  of  1899  and  1907  were  the  most  important 
political  gatherings  in  human  history.  No  other  work  for 
the  peace  and  better  organization  of  the  world  has  been  so 
significant  as  that  achieved  at  The  Hague  by  the  official 
representatives  of  the  nations  in  these  memorable  assem¬ 
blies.  A  new  epoch  has  been  opened  by  them  for  mankind, 
and  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  Hague  Conferences  and 
their  conventions  must  henceforth  be  the  foundation  of  all 
study  of  international  problems  and  actions  concerning  them. 
Professor  William  I.  Hull  has  rendered  a  great  service  to 
the  American  public  and  to  all  political  students  by  pre¬ 
paring  at  such  a  time  his  scholarly  work  upon  “  The  Two 
Hague  Conferences.”  Peculiarly  qualified  for  the  work  by  his 
general  historical  and  political  culture  and  his  identification 
with  the  movement  for  international  justice,  Professor  Hull 
spent  the  entire  summer  of  1907  at  The  Hague  for  close, 
personal  study  of  the  Second  Conference  during  its  ses¬ 
sion.  Giving  first  an  account  of  the  origin,  organization, 
personnel  and  program  of  the  two  Conferences,  he  then 
details  successively  the  discussion  and  action  of  each  upon 
each  topic  considered. 


The  two  Conferences  are  treated 
topically,  so  that  their  similarities 
and  contrasts  are  at  once  evident. 
The  discussions  are  accurate  and  in 
good  proportion.  —  Annals  of  Amer¬ 
ican  Academy  of  Political  and  Social 
Science. 

Much  of  the  material  contained 
in  this  volume  has  heretofore  been 
inaccessible,  particularly  to  English 
and  American  readers.  —  Review  of 
Revieivs. 


The  book  is  uncommonly  well  writ¬ 
ten,  and  the  arrangement  and  classi¬ 
fication  of  the  contents  are  everything 
that  could  be  desired,  while  the  sub¬ 
ject  matter  has  an  importance  which 
it  would  be  difficult  to  exaggerate. — 
Louisville  Evening  Post. 

If  any  one  thinks  that  these  confer¬ 
ences  were  of  no  consequence,  let  him 
look  into  this  book  and  learn  better. — 
The  Chicago  Record-Herald. 


Mailing  price,  $1.65 


WORLD  PEACE  FOUNDATION  :  BOSTON 

217 


Date  Due 

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